{"id":1047,"date":"2013-07-13T01:32:14","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:32:14","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=1047"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:32:14","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:32:14","slug":"31-the-hughly-resolutions-vol-02-karmayogin-volume-02","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/01-sabcl\/02-karmayogin-volume-02\/31-the-hughly-resolutions-vol-02-karmayogin-volume-02","title":{"rendered":"-31_The Hughly Resolutions.htm"},"content":{"rendered":"\n\n
\n
\n

\nThe Hughly Resolutions<\/font><\/b><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nW<\/font>E PUBLISH
\n<\/span><\/b>in this issue the draft resolutions of the Hughly Reception Committee which have reached
\nour hands in a printed form. Formerly our information had
\nbeen that the Committee had based its resolutions on the Pabna
\nConference resolutions and preserved them in the spirit if not in
\nthe letter. We regret to find that this information was erroneous.
\nWhile appreciating the labours of the Committee we cannot
\npretend to be satisfied at the result. The letter of the Pabna resolutions has
\nbeen preserved in a few cases and their manly and dignified character contrasts strangely with the company in which
\nthey are found, but for the most part the mass of the resolutions
\nrepresent an attempt to go back to the tone of appeal, prayer and
\nprotest which Bengal had decided to give up until the concession
\nof real control should impart to these forms the sense of power
\nwhich can alone save them from the stamp of a futile mendicancy. The phrasing
\nalso of these draft resolutions seems to us to be defective. The pronouncements of opinion of a public assembly
\nof this standing ought to be free from an undignified effusiveness,
\nprolixity or argumentativeness. Whatever argument is needed
\nbeyond what is barely necessary for an adequate expression of the
\nassembly’s opinion on the subject in hand, should be reserved for
\nthe speeches. That too is the proper place for enthusiasm, eloquence and rhetoric. To import those elements into the resolutions
\nthemselves is to import into the assembly’s pronouncements an appearance of immaturity and inexperienced youthfulness not conducive to its dignity in the eyes of those who are
\naccustomed to the serious handling of weighty affairs. Two of
\nthe resolutions, quite apart from other objections, travel beyond
\nthe scope of the assembly by their local character. The proper
\nplace for such resolutions is the District Conference and the
\nmere fact of the Conference being held in a particular district
\ndoes not change the character of the Conference whose business
\nis to express the opinion and guide the public activities of the<\/p>\n

\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 186<\/font><\/p>\n

\n<\/div>\n

people of Bengal in matters affecting the country and the province
\nas a whole. These resolutions deal with particular local interests
\nof the people of Hughly and the riparian towns and districts on
\nthe banks of the Ganges. If the Conference is to handle local
\nmatters, there is no reason why they should ignore similar
\nwants and necessities in the districts of East Bengal. Finally,
\nthere are two questions of national importance in which the
\nNationalist Party holds views connected with a distinct policy
\nand on which it is necessary to know the opinion of the country
\nand in these two matters the resolutions of the Committee do not
\nsatisfy us. The resolutions on the Reforms contain a parenthesis which is
\nunwarranted by the facts and will have the effect of committing the people of Bengal to the acceptance of the reforms with
\nall their vital imperfections and disastrous tendencies. The resolution on the Congress, while unexceptionable in sentiment, has
\nthe vital defect of not dealing with the crucial questions at issue
\nor showing a way to the realisation of the desirable consummation advocated. At Pabna there was a distinct means pointed
\nout and, since that has been rendered null and void, the people
\nof Bengal must take other means as definite and more decisive
\nto see that their wishes are no longer ignored. To call on the
\nleaders is to express merely a pious wish and the time has gone
\nby when in this matter the action can be left to the discretion of
\nthe leaders. They may ignore the resolution in their action or
\nsay that they could find no means of carrying out the wishes of
\nthe Conference.<\/p>\n

In view of these defects the Nationalist Party in Calcutta
\nhave drawn up a number of draft resolutions and amendments of
\nthe Reception Committee’s draft which they propose to bring
\nforward before the Subjects Committee. We hold it imperative
\nthat in these matters there should be no unnecessary secrecy or
\nhole and corner action. We have nothing to conceal either from
\nthe Government, the people or those whose opinions may differ
\nfrom ours. Our propaganda is open, frank and democratic. The
\nactual details of action, when action is in our hands, are best
\ndiscussed in Cabinets and private Committees, but in a people
\nstriving to be free and democratic deliberation must be public
\nand policy openly and fully expressed. Unfortunately, the late<\/p>\n

\n
\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 187<\/font><\/p>\n

\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

period at which we were able to procure a copy of the draft
\nresolutions and the necessity of immediate action have made it
\nimpossible to circulate the draft in time to receive the opinions of
\nMofussil Nationalists or even to consult all who are in Calcutta.
\nWe have however sent copies to the Mofussil and hope that the
\ndelegates will be ready with any suggestions they may have to
\nmake when they meet at Hughly. The want of a Nationalist daily at this time is
\nbeing severely felt; we have to do what we can with the means at our disposal.<\/p>\n

The alterations made in the Committee’s draft have been
\ndictated by the considerations above stated. We have thought
\nit right to adhere to the decision arrived at by us at Pabna to clear our
\npolitics of all that is low and humiliating in tone and substance and to make self-reliance, self-respect and a manly expression of opinion the cast of our public resolutions. There are certain
\nmatters in which the ultimate decision rests with the Government and yet in which the people are bound to express their opinion, but so long as they have no recognised instrument through
\nwhich they can bring their weight to bear in these matters, all
\nthey can do is to place their opinion on record and leave to the
\nGovernment the responsibility of ignoring the opinion of a
\nwhole province. The expression of opinion is addressed to the
\npeople of this province and of the whole country; it is
\ntheir sympathy and moral support we seek and we do not wish
\nto appeal to an authority which is not bound to listen to or
\nconsider our appeals and protests and with whom even the reception of public resolutions by great bodies representing whole
\npopulations is a matter of rare condescension and favour. When
\nwe have a direct and effective share in administration, then will be the time to
\nsubmit representation and protest to a Government which will be partly ours. In our draft resolutions everything expressing this attitude of appeal and unavailing objurgation has been rigorously excluded and in only one instance we
\nhave followed the precedent of the Pabna Conference in making
\na demand, not because we expect it to be fruitful but to mark a
\nstrong sense of the serious breach of a definite promise with which
\nthe authorities have long been charged and the non-fulfilment
\nof an elementary obligation on all Governments popular or<\/p>\n

\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 188<\/font><\/p>\n

\n<\/div>\n

democratic which ranks along with the preservation of order and
\nthe defence of the country from foreign invasion. We were somewhat opposed to the making even of this demand at the time of
\nthe Pabna Conference, but now that the authorities profess a
\nwillingness to reform the administration and claim co-operation
\non our part, it is advisable to emphasise the serious failings which
\nmake co-operation under present conditions impossible and to
\nindicate the conditions which can alone make co-operation of
\na real kind possible to the people. The draft resolutions on
\nCouncils Reform, local self-government and the improvement
\nof judicial administration have the latter purpose in view. Purely
\nlocal resolutions we propose to omit. We have restored in our
\ndraft the Pabna resolution on the boycott; we do not see any
\nsufficient reason for departing from the Pabna wording whether
\nto lower the tone or to enter into an unnecessary justification of the
\nlegitimate character of the boycott which a body like the Conference long committed to the movement ought to take for granted. We have omitted the first clause of the Education Resolution
\nfor the same reason which motived its exclusion at Pabna especially because we
\nlook with suspicion on mass education entirely under official control. If
\nprimary education is placed under free District Boards, there will be no farther
\nobjection; otherwise we must confine ourselves to the effective extension of
\nNational Education to the primary stage. We totally reject the resolution on the
\nTerrorist outrages which no Bengal Conference ought to pass after the speech of
\nthe Lieutenant Governor which still stands on record and has not been withdrawn.
\nSir Edward Baker distinctly declared that the Government has no farther use for
\nmere denunciations of the outrages however fervently worded and he has thrown on
\nthe whole country the responsibility for the cessation of the assassinations or
\ntheir continuance. The suitable course for the Conference is to dissociate
\nitself in a dignified manner from all forms of violence and quietly remind the
\nauthorities that the atmosphere in which the worst forms of political crime can
\nalone exist is of their creation and the means of eradicating them in their
\nhands. The people are helpless spectators of this miserable strife and the
\nConference has no right to pass any resolution which would even by implication
\nadmit their responsibility.<\/p>\n

\n
\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 189<\/font><\/p>\n

\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

\nThere remain the questions of Reform and the Congress. On the former we have
\nalready stated the attitude of the Nationalist Party which is not irreconcilable
\non the point but refuses to countenance any reform which does not begin the
\nconcession of self-government. Especially is it impossible for us to accept a
\nmeasure which introduces permanent elements of discord and maims the growing
\nnational sentiment by perpetuating divisions, to say nothing of the false and
\nvicious principles, destructive of democratic development on which it is based.
\nThe reform ensures us nothing but an increase in the number of nominated and
\nelected members and a non-official, not an elective, majority. It also holds out
\nto us a promise of ampler discussion, interpellation and division. But the rules
\nfor formation of electorates, election and the conduct of business as well as
\nthe admissibility of particular elections and an unqualified power of veto are
\nall in the hands of the authorities. There might be an increase of moral weight
\nbehind a popular opinion or protest, but equally there might be an increase of
\nmoral weight behind the Government if they can succeed in passing anti-national
\nmeasures by a majority of members, official, nominated and elected from
\nconvenient electorates, as approved by a majority in a reformed Council. In any
\ncase we would not think so doubtful and trivial a concession worth accepting, \u2014
\nfor gratitude for concessions implies acceptance of the concessions, \u2014 and when
\nit is practically an inducement for consenting to the permanent mutilation of
\nthe body politic and offered without amnesty, cessation of repressive measures
\nor release of the deportees it is binding on the Nationalist delegates to stand
\nor fall by the rejection of the measure.<\/p>\n

In the matter of an united Congress we have pointed out
\nthat it is imperatively necessary to provide a means by which the
\ndesired union can be brought about. The difficulties in the way
\nof union are two, the creed and the Constitution. The Constitution of the body now calling itself the Congress has been framed
\nand imposed on it without consulting even that body and it is
\nwell known that many members of the Moderate party refuse to
\njoin a body constituted by a means which, even if it were not ultra
\nvires<\/i>, would be as arbitrary as the most arbitrary action of which
\neven Lord Curzon’s Government was ever guilty. The Nationa-<\/p>\n

\n
\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 190<\/font><\/p>\n

\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

lists on their hand insist that they cannot be called on to accept
\na Constitution of many clauses of which they disapprove and
\nwhich was imposed on a body from which they were specially
\nexcluded. The call on them to join a body which insists on their
\nforswearing their fundamental principles before they enter, is
\nstill more absurd. Therefore a freely elected Congress constituted on the old lines is the only solution and the Conference
\nmust decide that point if it is serious in its desire. Our draft resolution provides a means by which negotiations can be carried on
\nby Bengal with the other provincial leaders and the organisers of
\nwhat is called the Lahore Congress and, in case of unanimity
\nproving impossible, for the assembling of a real united Congress
\non the initiative of Bengal in co-operation with all who desire
\nunion. We admit that the success of the plan depends on its
\nacceptance by the Bengal Moderates, but we believe it was
\nsubstantially this idea which the deported Moderate leader Sj.
\nKrishna Kumar Mitra was trying to get carried out when he was arrested. We see
\nno reason why Bengal Moderates should object to it. At any rate this is the
\nNationalist proposal.<\/p>\n

In addition to these amendments and substitutions we have
\nappended two additional resolutions to which there ought to be
\nno objection. One of them is in the Pabna list and we do not know why it should
\nbe omitted.<\/p>\n

\n
\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 191<\/font><\/p>\n

\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n


\n HOME<\/font><\/span><\/a><\/b><\/p>\n

 <\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The Hughly Resolutions   WE PUBLISH in this issue the draft resolutions of the Hughly Reception Committee which have reached our hands in a printed…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[23],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1047","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-02-karmayogin-volume-02","wpcat-23-id"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1047","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1047"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1047\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1047"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1047"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1047"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}