{"id":1049,"date":"2013-07-13T01:32:15","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:32:15","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=1049"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:32:15","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:32:15","slug":"57-the-moderate-manifestio-vol-02-karmayogin-volume-02","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/01-sabcl\/02-karmayogin-volume-02\/57-the-moderate-manifestio-vol-02-karmayogin-volume-02","title":{"rendered":"-57_The Moderate Manifestio.htm"},"content":{"rendered":"\n\n
\n
\n


\nThe Moderate Manifesto<\/font><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n


\nT<\/b><\/font>HE
\n<\/span><\/b>practical exclusion of the educated classes, other
\nthan Mahomedans, landholders and titled grandees, from the new Councils and
\nthe preference of Mahomedans to Hindus has rung the death-knell of the old
\nModerate politics in India. If the Moderate Party is to survive, it has to
\nshift its base and alter its tactics. If its leaders ignore the strong dissatisfaction
\nand disillusionment felt by educated Hindus all over India or if they tamely
\nacquiesce in a reform which seems to have been deliberately framed in order to
\ntransfer political preponderance from Hindus to Mahomedans and from the representatives
\nof the educated class to the landed aristocracy, they will very soon find
\nthemselves leaders without a following. The Moderate Party at present is held
\ntogether merely by the prestige and personal influence of the small secret
\nJunta of influential men who lead it, not by any settled convictions or
\nintelligent policy. The personalities of Mr. Gokhale
\nand Sir Pherozshah Mehta in Bombay, of Sj. Surendranath Banerji and Sj. Bhupendranath Bose
\nin Bengal, of Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya
\nin the United Provinces, of Mr. Krishnaswamy Aiyar in Madras constitute Moderatism in their respective provinces. What
\nthese old and respected leaders decide in their close and secret deliberations
\nis accepted, no longer without cavilling, but still with a somewhat reluctant
\nacquiescence by their party. But the public mind has now been too deeply
\nstirred for the leaders to ignore the opinion of the country. The resignation
\nby Sir Pherozshah Mehta of his Presidentship of the Lahore Convention following
\nso soon after the publication of the Regulations, the speech of Mr. Gokhale at
\nthe Deccan Sabha
\nand the manifesto issued by the Calcutta Moderates are the first signs of the
\nembarrassment felt by the heads of the party. There can be no doubt that they
\nhave allowed themselves to be tools in the hands of the officials and were not prepared for being thrown
\noverboard as the sole recompense.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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\n
\nPage \u2013 309<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\n

The speech of Mr. Gokhale shows
\nthe line along which the Bombay Moderate leaders desire to pilot their
\nfollowers. It is the line chalked out for them by Lord Minto
\nand other Anglo-Indian advisers. A great deal of feeling has been created against
\nMr. Gokhale throughout the country by his justification of the "stern and
\nrelentless" measures employed by the Government against the Nationalist
\nParty and the Boycott movement and by the Bombay Government’s use of the new
\nrepressive legislation to crush a personal adversary in Mr. Gokhale’s interests. The Moderate leader has with
\na belated adroitness used the disqualification of the Nationalist, Mr. N. C. Kelkar, to rehabilitate himself, if that be
\npossible, by championing the cause of a
\npolitical opponent. We do not know whether Mahratta
\nsentiment will be shallow enough to be misled by this manoeuvre. The disqualification
\nof Mr. Kelkar is an incident we welcome as a gain to our cause. On the other
\nhand, apart from the empty formula of protest and a formal recognition of the
\nsentiment of the country against the defects of the measure, the speech is
\nmerely a repetition of Lord Minto’s appeal
\nto give this vicious, injurious and insulting measure a fair chance, \u2014 on the
\nvery shadowy possibility to which the Moderate leaders still profess to cling,
\nthat all this alloy will be changed to pure gold in the next three years. Mr. Gokhale is still the political henchman of Lord Minto and echoes his sentiments
\nwith a pathetic fidelity.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

The manifesto of the Moderate leaders in Calcutta is of more
\nimportance. The Bengal veterans have not yet lost caste by publicly turning
\nagainst their countrymen and approving Government repression; they still keep
\nsome touch with public sentiment and have not yielded body and soul to the
\nrallying call of Lord Morley. Even so fervid
\nan anti-Nationalist as Dr. Rasbehari Ghose, to the great discontent and surprise of the
\nEnglishman<\/i>, has signed the document. The manifesto shows a clear sense
\nof the shortcomings of the measure of reform which was acclaimed with such
\ngratitude by these same able politicians when the skeleton had not been filled
\nin with its present generous padding. It is to be regretted that a false note
\nhas been struck by the reference to the modification of one clause and the
\ncomplaint that the "relief" thus afforded was insignificant and many
\ndis-<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

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\n
\nPage \u2013 310<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n<\/div>\n
\n


\ntinguished men would still be
\nbarred out of the Council. Are the distinguished men of Bengal paupers cringing
\nfor personal doles that this kind of language should be used or this kind of
\nargument advanced ? We cannot congratulate
\nthe framer of the manifesto either on the
\nform or the matter of this unhappy sentence. The recognition of class and creed
\nas a basis of representation, the exclusion of popular interests in favour of
\nthe dignified elements in the community, the illusory nature of the
\nnon-official majority, the limitation of the functions of the Councils to
\ncriticism without control and the denial of freedom of election are the real
\ngravamen of the charges against Lord Morley’s measure, and the barring out of
\ncertain distinguished men is a mere incident which can certainly be used in
\nnewspaper articles and speeches as an indication of motive, but ought not to
\nhave been introduced into a grave document of this nature. The effective
\nrepresentation of the people, the preservation of sound democratic principles of
\nrepresentation in the formation of the electorates and freedom of election are
\nthe objects disinterested and patriotic men should hold before them, not the
\nprivilege of entry into the Councils for distinguished men.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

But while the manifesto contains a full and exhaustive statement of
\nthe objections to the Reform, it is silent as the grave with regard to the
\npractical methods which the Moderate leaders propose to adopt in order to
\nbring about real reform. Will they follow the Bombay lead ? Will they strike out a line of their own ? At the close of the manifesto there is a pious
\nexpression of indomitable hope characteristic of the Moderate party, the party
\nof obstinate illusions; the signatories, it seems, do not despair of the
\nGovernment seeing the error of their ways and modifying the regulations so as
\nto restore Lord Morley’s original scheme. There is something heroic in this
\ndesperate absence of despair. It reminds us of the most heroic passage in Roman
\nhistory when, after the massacre of Cannae, the beaten general and cause of the
\ndisaster returned an almost solitary fugitive to Rome, preferring flight to a
\nsoldier’s death, and the whole Roman senate came out to meet him and thank him
\nthat he had not despaired of his country. What is it that the Moderate leaders
\nhope ? Do they hope that the regulations
\nwill be so modified as to admit all<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n
\nPage \u2013 311<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\n

the distinguished men whom they are
\ninterested in seeing at their [posts] back in the Councils ? Or do they hope that the fundamental defects we
\nhave enumerated will be removed by a sort of spontaneous repentance and
\nconfession of original sin on the part of the Government ? If so, what other basis have they for their
\nincurable hopefulness except the faculty of the chameleon for living on
\nunsubstantial air ? The modifications of
\nwhich they speak are not modifications, but a radical alteration of the whole
\nspirit and details of the measure.<\/span><\/p>\n

We also do not despair of a wholesome
\nchange in the attitude of the Government, but we do not believe in political
\nmiracles. There is no progress in politics except by the play of cause and
\neffect, and if we want a particular effect, we must first create the suitable
\nand effective cause. The only cause that can
\nbring about so radical a change in the attitude of the Government is the
\nfailure of this misbegotten scheme and the necessity of substituting one better
\nconceived and more liberal. And the only way to bring about the failure and the
\nconsequent necessity is to focus the whole opposition
\nof the Hindu interest and the popular interest, with whatever Mahomedan assistance we can get, in a movement of
\nabstention from the present Councils and an active agitation by effective means
\nfor the recognition of the great democratic principles that have been ignored
\nand the formation of a new scheme after consultation with the popular leaders.
\nThis, it seems to us, is a legitimate sphere of activity for a strong and
\nself-respecting Moderate party. But if they stultify themselves by accepting
\nin any way a measure designed to reduce them to nullity or impotence, they will
\ncommit suicide. Their empty protests against the defects of the Bill will be recognised as meaningless, for they will have deprived themselves of their only
\nleverage for remedying the defects. The country has no room any longer for a
\nparty of mere sanguine expectancy and helpless dependence on the will of
\nsuperior power. Moderatism at present is a
\nmass of ill-defined aspirations, ungrounded hopes and helpless methods leading
\nto perpetual and repeated disappointment, increasing weakness and deepening
\nself-discontent. No party vowed to these uninspiring methods and depressing
\nexperiences can hope to survive at a time when political life is<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n
\nPage \u2013 312<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\n

becoming
\nmore and more vivid and real. The Moderates must give up their vague unpracticality and adopt a definite aim, a distinct programme, effective methods.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

We do not know whether the Moderate leaders could ever bring
\nthemselves so far as to stand out for a real measure of control as
\ndistinguished from a wider power of criticism. But there is no reason why they
\nshould not make up their minds to fight for a popular electorate based on
\neducation, exclusive of class and religious distinctions, free election and an
\nelective majority, and refuse to be satisfied with less. In that case, the
\nNationalist party would represent a more advanced force standing out for a
\nmeasure of effective control and a democratic electorate based on literacy, in
\naddition to the Moderate demands. If, on the other hand, the Moderates would
\nalso accept control as a necessary factor of any political settlement, Moderate
\nand Nationalist would again come into line and stand on a common platform, the
\nonly distinction being that one party would accept the settlement as a
\nsatisfactory solution for the present, while the other would regard it merely as an instrument for developing
\nautonomy. But while the exclusory clauses of
\nthe Moderate Convention’s Constitution remain, this drawing together is not
\npossible, or, if it were possible, could not be sincere and effective. Those
\nclauses are a sign and pledge of the Mehta-Morley
\nalliance and ratify the policy of which Mr. Gokhale’s Poona speech was the expression, the policy
\nof rallying the Moderates to the Government’s support and crushing the
\nNationalists.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n
\nPage \u2013 313<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n


\n
\nHOME<\/span><\/a><\/font><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

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The Moderate Manifesto   THE practical exclusion of the educated classes, other than Mahomedans, landholders and titled grandees, from the new Councils and the preference…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[23],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1049","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-02-karmayogin-volume-02","wpcat-23-id"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1049","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1049"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1049\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1049"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1049"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1049"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}