{"id":1054,"date":"2013-07-13T01:32:17","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:32:17","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=1054"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:32:17","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:32:17","slug":"44-facts-and-opinions-6-11-1909-vol-02-karmayogin-volume-02","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/01-sabcl\/02-karmayogin-volume-02\/44-facts-and-opinions-6-11-1909-vol-02-karmayogin-volume-02","title":{"rendered":"-44_Facts and Opinions 6-11-1909.htm"},"content":{"rendered":"\n\n
\n
\n


\nFacts and Opinions<\/font><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

\nVolume I – Nov.
\n6, 1909 – Number 18<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n


\n\t
\n Mahomedan
\n Representation<\/font><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

                <\/font>
\nT<\/b><\/font>he
\nquestion of separate representation for the Mahomedan community is one of those momentous issues raised in haste by a
\nstatesman unable to appreciate the forces with which he is dealing, which bear
\nfruit no man expected and least of all the ill-advised Frankenstein who was
\nfirst responsible for its creation. The common belief among Hindus is that the
\nGovernment have decided to depress the Hindu element in the Indian people by
\nraising the Mahomedan element, and ensure a perpetual preponderance in their
\nown favour by leaning on a Mahomedan vote purchased by a system of preference.
\nThe denials of high-placed officials, who declare that it is only out of a
\ncareful consideration for the rights and interests of minorities that they have
\nmade special Mahomedan representation an essential feature of the Reform
\nScheme, have not convinced a single Hindu mind;
\nfor the obvious retort is that it is only one minority which is specially cared
\nfor and this special care is extended to it even in provinces where it is in a
\nlarge majority. No provision at all has been made for the safe-guarding of
\nHindu minorities, for the Parsis, the Sikhs,
\nthe Christians and other sections which may reasonably declare that they too
\nare Indians and citizens of the Empire no less than the Mahomedans. The workings of this belief in the mind of the
\npremier community in India cannot at present be gauged. It is not till the
\ndetails of the Reform Scheme are published, elections over, the councils
\nworking and the preponderance of the pro-government vote visible, that those
\nworkings can assume a definite shape. At present irritation, heart-burning, a
\nsullen gloom and a growing resolve to assert and organise their separate
\nexistence and work for their own hand are the first results of the separatist
\npolicy. How far Sir Pherozshah and his
\nvaliant band will be able to fight this growing discontent, remains to be seen.
\nIt is quite possible that the pro- <\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 245<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n<\/div>\n
\n

Mahomedanism of the Reform Scheme may lead to a Hindu upheaval all over India,
\nas fervent and momentous as the convulsion in Bengal, Madras and Maharashtra which followed Lord Curzon’s Partition blunder. How far it will
\nadvantage the Mahomedans to be in active
\nopposition to an irritated and revolted Hindu community throughout the country
\nthey live in, is a question for Mahomedans to consider. A certain section with Syed Hyder Reza at their head, have considered it and are
\nagainst the separate representation altogether. Another section represented by
\nMr. Ali Imam are for a compromise between
\nthe full Moslem demand for separate electorates and the Hindu demand for equal
\ntreatment of all communities. Unfortunately, this compromise is merely the
\nGovernment scheme which Hindu sentiment has almost unanimously condemned as
\nunfair and partial. The only section of Hindus in its favour is the dwindling
\nminority which follows the great Twin Brethren of Bombay; and
\nthe support given by Mr. Gokhale and Sir Pherozshah to the separate representation idea is
\nlikely to cost them their influence with the moderate Hindu community
\neverywhere outside the narrow radius of their personal influence. A third section
\nrejoicing in the leadership of Mr. Amir Ali,
\nare the irreconcilables of militant Islam
\naspiring to hold India under the British aegis as heirs of the Mogul and
\nkeepers of the gateway of India. The Reform Scheme is the second act of
\ninsanity which has germinated from the unsound policy of the bureaucracy. It
\nwill cast all India into the melting-pot and complete the work of the
\nPartition. Our own attitude is clear. We will have no part or lot in reforms which
\ngive no popular majority, no substantive control, no opportunity for Indian
\ncapacity and statesmanship, no seed of democratic expansion. We will not for a
\nmoment accept separate electorates or separate representation, not because we
\nare opposed to a large Mahomedan influence in popular assemblies when they
\ncome but because we will be no party to a distinction which recognises Hindu
\nand Mahomedan as permanently separate political units and thus precludes the
\ngrowth of a single and indivisible Indian nation. We oppose any such attempt at
\ndivision whether it comes from an embarrassed Government seeking for political
\nsupport or from an embittered<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 246<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n<\/div>\n
\n

Hindu community allowing the passions of
\nthe moment to obscure their vision of the future.<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n


\n\t
\n The
\n Growth of Turkey<\/a><\/font><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The
\narticle on young Turkey and its military strength, extracted in our columns
\nthis week from the Indian Daily News<\/i>,
\nis one of great interest. Behind the deprecation of Turkish Chauvinism and
\nMilitarism we hear the first note of European alarm at the rise of a second
\nAsiatic Power able to strike as well as to defend its honour and integrity
\nagainst European aggression. The fact that it is the army in Turkey which
\nstands for free institutions, is the greatest guarantee that could be given of
\nthe permanence of the new Turkey, for it assures a time of internal quiet while
\nthe country goes through the delicate and dangerous process of readjusting its
\nwhole machinery and ways of public thought and action from the habits of an
\nirresponsible autocratic administration to those
\nwhich suit free institutions and democratic ideas. No doubt, the support of the
\narmy veils a Dictatorship. But that is an inevitable stage in a great and
\nsudden transition of this kind, and suits Asiatic countries, however perilous
\nit may have been in other times to European countries when men could not be
\ntrusted not to misuse power for their own purposes to the detriment of their
\ncountry. In Europe the present high standard of public spirit, duty, and honour
\nwas the slow creation of free institutions. To Asiatics, not yet corrupted, as
\nmany of us in India have been by the worst part of European individualism and
\nan unnatural education divorced from morality and patriotism, a high standard
\nof public spirit, duty and honour comes with the first awakenings of a freer
\nlife; for the Asiatic discipline has always been largely one of
\nself-effacement, the subordination of the individual to a community and the
\nscrupulous adhesion to principle at the cost of personal predilection and
\nhappiness. As in Turkey now, so in Japan, it was a few strong men who, winning
\ncontrol of the country by the strength of great ideas backed by the sword,
\nright supported by might, held the land safe and quiet while they revolutionised the ideas and insti-
\n<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 247<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n<\/div>\n
\n

tutions of the whole nation,
\nforged a strength by sea and land no enemy could despise and secured from the
\ngratitude of their race for their wisdom, selflessness and high nobility of
\npurpose that implicit following which at first they compelled by force. The
\ncomplaint that the young Turks ignore the necessity of civil reorganisation,
\ncommerce and education is a complaint without wisdom, if not without knowledge.
\nThe circumstances of Turkey demand that the first attention of her statesmen
\nshould be given to military and naval efficiency. The Revolution plucked her
\nfrom the verge of an abyss of disintegration. The desperate diplomacy and
\ncunning of Sultan Abdul Hamid had stayed her long on that verge, but she
\nwas beginning to slip slowly over when the stronger hand of Mahmud Shevket
\nPasha seized her and drew her back. Even so, the deposition of the cunning and
\nskilful diplomatist of Yildiz Palace might
\nhave been the signal for a general spoliation of Turkey. Austria began a rush
\nfor the Balkans, Greece tried to hurry a
\ncrisis in Crete. The shaking of the Turkish sword in the face of the Greek and
\nthe rapid and efficient reorganisation of
\narmy and navy against Europe were both vitally necessary to the safety of the
\nEmpire. They were the calculated steps not of Chauvinism but of a defensive
\nstatesmanship.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n


\n\t
\n China Enters<\/a><\/font><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The
\ncircle of constitutionally governed Asiatic countries increases. To Turkey,
\nPersia and Japan, China is added. Towards the close of the ten years set apart
\nin the Chinese programme for the preparation of self-government, the Chinese
\nGovernment has kept its promise to grant a constitution. Provincial Assemblies
\nhave been established, are working and have shown their reality and
\nindependence by opposing government demands. The electoral basis of an
\nImperial Assembly has been provided. There cannot be the slightest doubt that
\nthe steady, resolute, methodical Chinese, with their unrivalled genius for organisation, will make a success of the constitutional experiment. In all Asia
\nnow, with the exception of Siam and
\nAfghanistan, the only countries which are denied a constitutional Government
\nare<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 248<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n<\/div>\n
\n

those
\nwhich have not vindicated their national freedom. Even in Afghanistan the first
\nineffective stirrings of life have been and
\nwill grow to something formidable before many years are over. We wonder whether
\nLord Morley and his advisers really believe
\nthat when they are surrounded by a free and democratic Asia, the great Indian
\nrace can be kept in a state of tutelage and snail-paced advancement, much less
\nput off to a future age in the dim mists of
\na millennial futurity to which the penetrating vision of the noble and Radical
\nLord cannot pierce. The worst opponents of Indian freedom know well what this
\nAsiatic constitutionalism means, and therefore the Englishman<\/i>
\nstruggles, in the face of continual disappointment, to foresee the speedy
\ncollapse of Nationalism and Parliamentary Government in Persia, Turkey and even
\nJapan as the inevitable fate of an institution foreign to the Asiatic genius,
\nwhich is popularly supposed to recoil from freedom and hug most lovingly the
\nheaviest chains.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n


\n\t
\n The
\n Patiala Arrests<\/a><\/font><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

For
\nsome time past the Native States of Rajputana
\nand Punjab have been vying with each other in promulgations and legislations
\nof a drastic character against sedition and conspiracy. The object of these
\nedicts seems to be to stifle all agitation or semblance of any political
\nthought and activity that may be directed against the existing state of things
\nnot in the States themselves but in British India. Otherwise, it is impossible
\nto account for the Draconian severity of the language and substance of these
\nukases or the foolish thoroughness of some of the measures adopted, such as the
\nprohibition of entry even to colourless papers like the Bengalee<\/i>. The
\nexponents of Anglo-Indian opinion point triumphantly to these measures both as
\na proof of aristocratic loyalty to British officialdom and as an index of the
\nseverity with which the agitation would be visited if, instead of the misplaced
\nleniency of British bureaucrats, we were exposed to the ruthlessness of an indigenous government. As every Indian
\nknows, these self-gratulations are insincere
\nand meaningless. The majority of Native States are wholly under the thumb of
\nthe<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 249<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n<\/div>\n
\n

Resident and, with the exception of one or two
\nindependent princes, like the Gaekwar,
\nneither Maharaja nor Council of Administration can call their souls their own.
\nOn all this comes the commotion in Patiala.
\nThe Patiala conspiracy has yet to be proved
\nto be more real than the Midnapur specimen.
\nBut, if all is true that is being asserted in the Punjab press as to the
\nrefusal of the most ordinary privileges of defence to the numerous accused and
\nthe amazing and successful defiance of High Court orders by Mr. Warburton, the police are not going the best way
\nto convince the public opinion on this point. The facts stated amount to a
\ngross and shameless denial of justice. We do not blame the young Maharaja for
\nhis inability to interfere in favour of the oppressed victims of police rule.
\nWe know how helpless the princes are in the face of an Anglo-Indian Resident or
\nemployee and we wholly discredit the newspaper assertion that these strange
\nproceedings were initiated or are willingly countenanced by him. It was first
\nasserted that \u2014 as usual ! \u2014 the police had
\nfull evidence and information in their hands. The present delay and sufferings
\nentailed prove sufficiently that they had nothing of the kind \u2014 again, as
\nusual. The arrested Arya Samajists may be innocent or guilty, but the procedure
\nused against them would be tolerated in no country where law and equity were
\nsupreme.<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n
\n\tThe
\n Daulatpur Dacoity<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The extraordinary story from Daulatpur of a dacoity by young men of good family, sons of
\nGovernment servants, is the strangest that has yet been handled by the
\ndetective ability of a very active police \u2014 more active, if not successful, we
\nare afraid, in cases of this kind than those in which the dacoits are of a less interesting character. The
\ndetails as first published read more like a somewhat gruesome comic opera, than
\nanything else. Dacoits who wear gold watches and gold spectacles on their
\nhazardous expeditions, dacoits who talk English so as to give a clue to their
\nidentity, dacoits who turn up at a railway station wearing gold watches,
\nbare-footed and stained with mud, dacoits<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 250<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n<\/div>\n
\n

who carry in their
\npockets bloodcurdling oaths neatly written out for the police to read in case
\nthey are caught, are creatures of so novel and eccentric a character that they
\nmust have either come out of a farcical opera or escaped from the nearest
\nlunatic asylum. The later accounts modify some of the more startling features
\nof the first, but until the story for the prosecution is laid before the
\nCourts, thoroughly known and thoroughly tested, sensational headlines and
\ngraphic details are apt to mislead.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n


\n\t
\n Place
\n and Patriotism<\/a><\/font><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The
\nelevation of Mr. Krishnaswamy Aiyar to the Bench some short time ago was the
\noccasion for some comments from the Moderate Press highly eulogistic of the man
\nand the choice. Mr. Aiyar was a successful lawyer and a capable man and we have
\nno doubt his elevation was justified. But the curious habit of ultra-Moderate
\npoliticians gravitating to the Bench is a survival of those idyllic times when a judgeship
\nor a seat in the Legislative Council was the natural goal of the political
\nleader who rose by opposing the Government. This harmony between place and patriotism,
\nopposition and preferment was natural to those times for whose return the
\nlovers of the peaceful past sigh in vain. Mr. Krishnaswamy Aiyar belonged to
\nthe old school and his final consummation is natural and laudable. But our
\nobject in writing is not so much to praise Mr. Aiyar as to suggest to the
\nGovernment that, if they would similarly promote Sir Pherozshah Mehta, they would be rewarding a loyal
\nchampion and at the same time conferring a boon on the country. Farther, if
\nonly done in time, it might save the Convention from going to pieces.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n


\n\t
\n The Dying
\n Race<\/a><\/font><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Dr.
\nU. N. Mukherji recently published a very interesting brochure
\nin which he tried to prove that the Hindus were a dying race and would do well
\nto imitate the social freedom and equality of the still increasing Mahomedans. Srijut Kishorilal Sarcar<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 251<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n<\/div>\n
\n

has
\ngone one better and proves to us by equally cogent statistics that not only
\nthe Hindus but the Mahomedans are a dying
\nrace, \u2014 even if the Hindus be in some places a little more rapid in the race
\nfor extinction than the followers of Islam. With all respect to the earnestness
\nof these two gentlemen we think it would have been well if they had been less
\nstrenuous in their discouraging interpretations and chosen a less positive
\ntitle. The real truth is that, owing to an immense transition being effected
\nunder peculiarly unfavourable conditions, both communities, but chiefly the
\nmore progressive Hindu, are in a critical stage in which various deep-seated
\nmaladies have come to the surface, with effects of an inevitable though
\nlamentable character. None of these maladies is mortal and the race is not
\ndying. But the knife of the surgeon is needed and it is to the remedy rather
\nthan the diagnosis that attention should be pointedly directed. The mere
\ndecline in the rate of increase is in itself nothing. It is a phenomenon which
\none now sees becoming more and more marked all the world over and it is only
\ncountries backward in development and education which keep up the old rate of
\nincrease. The unfit tend to multiply, the fit to be limited in propagation.
\nThis is an abnormal state of things which indicates something wrong in modern civilisation. But, whatever the malady is, it is not peculiar to Hindus or to
\nIndia, but a world-wide disease.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n


\n\t
\n The
\n Death of Senor Ferrer<\/a><\/font><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The
\nextraordinary commotion in Europe over the execution of the enthusiast and
\nidealist Ferrer, \u2014 a judicial murder committed by Court Martial, \u2014 has revealed
\na force in Europe with which statesmen and Governments will have very soon to
\ndeal on pain of extinction. We have no sympathy with the philosophy or practice
\nof Anarchism, holding, as we do, that the Anarchist philosophy is some
\nmillenniums ahead of the present possible evolution of humanity and the
\nAnarchist practice some millenniums behind. But Se\u00f1or Francisco Ferrer was no
\nmere Anarchist. He was a man of high enthusiasms and ideas, engaged, at great
\nsacrifice and, as it turns out, risk to himself, in freeing the<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n

\nPage \u2013 252<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n<\/div>\n
\n

Spanish mind by
\neducation from the fetters of that bigoted Clericalism which has been the ruin
\nof Spain. For a man of this kind \u2014 a man of
\neminent culture and unstained character, the friend and fellow worker of
\ndistinguished men all over the occidental world, \u2014 to be shot without any
\nreputable evidence by a military tribunal regardless of universal protest, was
\nan outrage on civilisation and an insult to European culture. Such an incident,
\nhowever, might have happened formerly with no result but a few indignant
\narticles in the Continental Liberal Press. This time it has awakened a
\ndemonstration all over the Western world which is, we think, unprecedented in
\nhistory. The solidarity and deep feeling in that demonstration means that the
\nhuge inert Leviathan, on whose patient back the aristocratic and middle class
\nof Europe have built the structure of their polity and society, is about to
\nmove. When he really uplifts his giant bulk, what will become of the structure ?
\nWill it not tumble into pieces off his back and be swallowed up in the waters
\nof a world-wide revolution ?<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n


\n\t
\n The Budget<\/a><\/font><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

It
\nis curious that England, which was, a little while ago, the most conservative
\nand individualistic of nations, the least forward in the race towards
\nsocialism, should now be the foremost. The socialistic Radical, the forerunner
\nof insurgent Leviathan, is in the Cabinet and has framed a Budget. The Budget
\nis the pivot on which English progress has turned from the beginning. The power
\nof the purse in the hands of the Commons has been the chief lever for the
\ngradual erection of a limited democracy. The same power is now being used for
\nthe gradual introduction of a modified socialism, and, by a curious provision
\nof Fate, seems destined to be also the occasion for the final destruction of
\none at least of the two remaining restrictions on democracy, the veto of the
\nLords and the limitation of the suffrage. The Lords were bound to oppose the
\nBudget, for the triumph of socialism means the destruction of the aristocracy.
\nThe Lords, therefore, have either to fight or to fall;
\nand the pathos of their situation is that,<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 253<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n<\/div>\n
\n

in
\nall probability, the choice is not theirs and that, whether they fight or not,
\nthey cannot but fall. The Lords have only continued to exist because they were
\ndiscreet enough to lie low and give a minimum of trouble. As for the limitation
\nof the suffrage, it is not at all unlikely that the daring and unscrupulous
\ncampaign of the suffragettes may end in the concession of universal suffrage.
\nFor, if women are given the vote, the proletariate will not be content to
\nremain without it. They too can lift crowbars and hammers and break glass roofs !<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n


\n\t
\n A
\n Great Opportunity<\/a><\/font><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The end of the
\ngreat struggle between the last representative of European autocracy and the
\ninsurgent Demos, is not yet. At present the Czar holds the winning cards. The
\nmismanagement of the Revolution by a people unaccustomed to political action
\nhas put advantages into his hands to which he has no right. But it is
\nsignificant that the revolution still smoulders. As Carlyle
\nwrote of the French Revolution, it is unquenchable and cannot be stamped
\ndown, for the fire-spouts that burst out are no slight surface conflagration
\nbut the flames of the pit of Tophet. Murder
\nand hatred rising from below to strike at murder and tyranny striking from
\nabove, that is the Russian Revolution. Had another man than a Romanoff, the
\nrace obstinate and unteachable, sat on the
\nthrone at St. Petersburg, the victory of the autocracy after such imminent and
\ndeadly peril would have been surely used to prevent, by healing measures and
\nperfectly spontaneous concessions, a repetition of the sanguinary struggle. It
\nis probably the last opportunity Fate will concede to the Czar Nicholas and it
\nis a great opportunity. But he will not take it and in the shadow forces are
\nagain gathering which are likely in the end to destroy him. The Czarina is
\nsleepless in deadly anxiety for the safety of her child;
\nthe Czar, leaving her behind, enters Italy and is guarded by an army. In Russia
\nthe Ministry balances itself on the top of a frail edifice crowning the volcano
\nthat still sputters below. One wonders why they should think it worth their
\nwhile to bolster up sanguinary injustice for a season at so huge a cost.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 254<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n<\/div>\n
\n

\n
\n\tBuddha’s
\n Ashes<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Again
\nthe powers that be have committed a blunder. If any of the wise men who weave
\nthe tangled web of Anglo-Indian statesmanship at Simla, had a little common
\nsense to salt their superior wisdom, they would never have allowed the strong
\nfeeling against the removal of Buddha’s ashes to vent itself so long in public
\nexpression without an assurance at least of favourable consideration. We have
\nwaited long for that simple and natural act of statesmanship, but in vain. It
\nis such a trivial matter in itself, concession would be so graceful, natural
\nand easy; yet the harm done by perverseness
\nand churlishness is so immense ! We wonder
\nwhether our official Governors ever think. It is very easy. What would they
\nfeel if the bones of a great Englishman, say, the Duke of Wellington, were so
\ntreated ! But the diseased attachment to
\nprestige and the reputation of an assured wisdom and an inflexible power have
\nsealed up the eyes of those in high places.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n


\n\t
\n Students
\n and Politics<\/a><\/font><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

All
\nIndia and especially Bengal owes a debt of gratitude to Mr. Hassan Imam for his strong, manly and sensible
\nremarks on the vexed question of students and politics as President of the Beharee Students Conference at Gaya. Contrast this honest utterance and robust
\nrecognition of unalterable facts with the fencings, refinements and unreal
\ndistinctions of Mr. Gokhale’s utterance. The
\ndifference is between a man with an eye and a clear practical sense and a mere
\nintellectual, a man of books and words and borrowed thoughts, proud of his gift
\nof speech and subtlety of logic, but unable to penetrate a fact even when he sees
\nit. With Mr. Hassan Imam a strong personal force enters the field of politics.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 255<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Facts and Opinions Volume I – Nov. 6, 1909 – Number 18 Mahomedan Representation                   The question of separate representation for the Mahomedan community…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[23],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1054","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-02-karmayogin-volume-02","wpcat-23-id"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1054","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1054"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1054\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1054"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1054"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1054"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}