{"id":1061,"date":"2013-07-13T01:32:19","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:32:19","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=1061"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:32:19","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:32:19","slug":"33-the-hughly-conference-vol-02-karmayogin-volume-02","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/01-sabcl\/02-karmayogin-volume-02\/33-the-hughly-conference-vol-02-karmayogin-volume-02","title":{"rendered":"-33_The Hughly Conference.htm"},"content":{"rendered":"\n\n
\n

\nThe Hughly Conference<\/font><\/b><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nT<\/font>HE <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/span><\/b>chances of politics are in reality the
\nhidden guidance of a Power whose workings do not reveal themselves easily even to the most practised eye. It is difficult
\ntherefore to say whether the successful conclusion of the
\nProvincial Conference at Hughly without the often threatened breach between the
\nparties, will really result in the furtherance of the object for which the Nationalists consented to
\nwaive the reaffirmation of the policy formulated at Pabna
\nand refrained from using the preponderance which the general
\nsentiment of the great majority of the delegates gave them
\nat Hughly. If things go by the counting of heads, as is the rule in democratic
\npolitics, the Nationalist sentiment commands the greater part of Bengal. But in leaders of recognised
\nweight, established reputation and political standing the party
\nis necessarily inferior to the Moderates, both because it is a
\nyounger force very recently emerged and because its leaders
\nhave been scattered by a repression which has aimed at the tall
\nheads of the party. There is also a large body of sentiment in the
\nMofussil which is Nationalist at heart but does not always venture to be Nationalist in action because of the difficulties in the
\nway of the Nationalist programme and the respect due to the
\nelder leaders. On the other hand among the young men who
\ncommand the future, Moderatism is dead and what takes its place
\nis a Nationalism which loves rather to act than to think, because
\nit has not yet accustomed itself to the atmosphere of strenuous
\npolitical thought. In fact the spirit of Nationalism and its objects
\nare becoming universal but its methods, though preferred, are
\nnot always adhered to and its thought has not everywhere penetrated below the surface.<\/font><\/p>\n

\nThe possibility or otherwise of united
\naction was the governing thought throughout the Conference. The tendency to break
\nto pieces was very prominent in the first day’s proceedings and
\nwas fostered by certain incidents slight in themselves but each of<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 196<\/font><\/p>\n

\n<\/div>\n

\nwhich was in the existing state of feeling a quite possible pretext
\nfor disruption. It was from an observation of the proceedings
\nof the first day that either party offered its programme of action
\nfor the second. The Nationalist Party intended to put forward
\na formal protest against any acceptance of the reforms in however slight a degree, to press the Pabna resolution on the Boycott
\nand above all to insist on the Conference taking some definite
\nstep which would either materialise the chances of an United
\nCongress or once for all show that union was impossible. The
\nModerate leaders came determined on four things, not to allow
\nany resolution recognising general passive resistance, not to allow
\nany resolution amounting to an absolute refusal of the Reforms,
\nnot to allow any resolution debarring delegates from Bengal from
\njoining the Lahore Convention in case of that body rejecting
\nunion and not to consent even to the bringing forward of any
\namendment or proposal of a pronounced nationalist character
\nin the Conference. On all these points it was made quite evident
\nthat if the Nationalists pressed their points the Conference would
\nbe broken up by the secession of the Moderate leaders. In all
\nthese disputed matters, therefore, the Nationalists gave way and
\nadhered only to their main point of securing some definite step
\nin relation to the holding of an united Congress.<\/font><\/p>\n

\nIt is necessary to explain this action on the part of our party,
\nfor in his speech on the Boycott resolution Sj. Aurobindo Ghose
\npurposely refrained from stating more than the bare fact in order
\nthat nothing he might say should lead to excitement or anything
\nwhich could be an excuse for friction. It is not that the Nationalist party is not willing or able to stand by itself if that proves inevitable and seems the best course in the interests of Nationalism
\nand the future of the country. But it has always been the ideal of
\nthe Nationalists to make of the Congress a great and living body deliberative in
\nthe manner of free assemblies which consider from various points of view what is
\nbest for the country and decide by majority or, whenever possible, unanimously, the parties
\nholding together not by identity of views but by one common
\naim and interest and the combined freedom and restraint of a
\nconstitution which provides for the free expression of opinion
\nunder fair and impartial rules. They seek also a centre for the<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 197<\/font><\/p>\n

\n<\/div>\n

\ncountry’s strength which can give authority to a network of
\norganisation systematising the work of the nation. They seek in
\nother words a centre of deliberation and a centre of order and
\nauthority which can take charge of national progress. To seek this centre outside the long established body to which the nation has looked as the pivot of its political activities would have
\nbeen a waste of material already half-prepared for the purpose.
\nIn attempting to convert this instrument to its proper uses they
\nmay have committed errors of over-eagerness and passionate
\nimpatience, the ordinary faults of a party of progress still young
\nand energetic, but the errors on the other side were yet greater.
\nThe errors of life and progress are more exuberant and striking
\nbut less fatal than the errors of decay and reaction. However
\nthat be, in the attempt the instrument itself was broken, but it
\nis capable of being mended if the past errors on both sides can be
\ngot rid of, and it is the duty of the Nationalist Party to give a fair
\nchance to the forces that make for the preservation of this old
\nand honoured institution. This is the more incumbent on them
\nas the sense of the country is in favour of an attempt to restore unity. A democratic party is bound to give the utmost
\nweight to the general sense of the country in a matter of such
\nprimary importance.<\/font><\/p>\n

\nIt remains to be seen whether the great concessions made by
\nthe party will bear any fruit. The situation is not wholly encouraging. The position taken by the Moderate leaders that
\nthe Nationalists even if they are in a majority, must not try to
\nenforce resolutions which travel beyond the limits of common
\nagreement and unanimity and must allow resolutions to pass
\nwhich are contrary to their principle and policy on pain of a
\nModerate secession may be tolerated for some time; but how
\nlong can a growing sentiment and ideal representing the future
\nconsent to be restrained within such iron limits ? And if such be
\nthe basis of union proposed, it is obvious that the Congress will 
\nbe an united Congress only in name and the attendance of the
\nNationalists perfunctory or useless. If on the other hand the resolutions of the Congress are recognised as the opinion of the majority leaving the minority perfect freedom to bring in their own 
\nresolutions when they have concerted the mass of public opinion<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 198<\/font><\/p>\n

\n<\/div>\n

\nto their views, the unity will be real and living. We were never in
\nfavour of shams. It is only righteousness that exalts a nation and
\nrighteousness means going straight; nothing can long endure
\nwhich is based upon unreality and hollowness. If therefore there
\nis any union it must be one which recognises that there are two
\nparties in the country and that each has a right not only to exist
\nbut to make itself felt. This is a right we have not refused to the
\nModerate Party when we were in the majority: if they refuse it
\nto us, then the talk of unity must cease and Sir Pherozshah Mehta
\nand Mr. Gokhale must have their way.<\/font><\/p>\n

\nThis is the position from the Nationalist point of view.
\n<\/b>We hope that the largeness of the sacrifice made will not, in view of
\nthe slightness of the chance in favour of which everything else
\nwas thrown overboard, create any dissatisfaction in the party. All
\nshades of Nationalist opinion were represented at Hughly and
\nthey consented to be guided in the matter by Srijut Aurobindo
\nGhose on whom the responsibility of leadership fell in the absence of older colleagues who have been temporarily or permanently removed from the field. The Nationalist Party is a practical possession of the heart and mind of Bengal. It is strongly
\nsupported in other parts of India and controls Maharashtra. It
\nis growing in strength, energy and wisdom. It surely inherits the
\nfuture. Under such circumstances it can afford to wait.<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 199<\/font><\/p>\n

\n<\/div>\n


\n HOME<\/font><\/span><\/a><\/b><\/p>\n

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