{"id":1070,"date":"2013-07-13T01:32:22","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:32:22","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=1070"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:32:22","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:32:22","slug":"34-facts-and-opinions-18-9-1909-vol-02-karmayogin-volume-02","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/01-sabcl\/02-karmayogin-volume-02\/34-facts-and-opinions-18-9-1909-vol-02-karmayogin-volume-02","title":{"rendered":"-34_Facts and Opinions 18-9-1909.htm"},"content":{"rendered":"\n\n
\n

\nFacts and Opinions<\/font><\/b><\/p>\n

\nVolume I – Sept. 18, 1909 – Number 13<\/font><\/p>\n

\n\tThe
\n Two Programmes<\/b><\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\n            <\/b>
\nT<\/font>here could hardly be a more striking contrast than the
\npronounced dissimilarity between the resolutions passed at
\nthe Hughly Provincial Conference under the pressure of the
\nModerate leaders’ threat to dissociate themselves from the
\nproceedings if the Pabna resolutions were reaffirmed and
\nthe resolutions passed at the enthusiastic and successful
\nDistrict Conference held last Saturday and Sunday in the Surma
\nValley. They are severally the reaffirmation of two different
\nprogrammes, the advanced Moderate programme of a section
\nof opinion in West Bengal supported by Faridpur in the East
\nand a sprinkling of individuals in some of the large towns and
\nthe Nationalist programme as advanced by East Bengal and a
\ngreat section of opinion in the West. The advanced Moderate
\nprogramme contemplates Colonial self-government as a distant
\nand ultimate goal, advocates commercial boycott of foreign goods, contemplates
\nNational education as an educational experiment supported practically by some, in theory only by
\nothers, and regards self-help as a pendant and subordinate to so-called constitutional agitation, in other words, the acceptance of
\neverything the Government does subject to protest, criticism and,
\nwhen necessary, invective. This is the theory of co-operation
\nplus opposition, opposition in words, co-operation in practice.
\nIt has to be seen how far the reassertion of this policy, for some
\ntime discredited, will go in its results and what is the underlying
\nmotive of the Moderate leaders in insisting on the reassertion at
\nthis particular moment when the Partition, deportations, coercive laws are in full operation and not a single one of our grievances redressed. The Nationalist programme asserts autonomy
\nas the right of all nations, advocates the use of every legitimate
\nand peaceful means towards its establishment whether swift or
\ngradual, and especially favours the use of self-help to train and<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 200<\/font><\/p>\n

\n<\/div>\n

\norganise the nation for self-government and of passive resistance
\nto confirm and defend the measures of self-help and to bring
\npressure on the bureaucracy to yield a substantial measure of
\nself-government. The defect of the Nationalist Party is not in
\nenergy or organisation, for it has a superior capacity in these
\nrespects to its opponents, but in means and the present weight
\nof its personalities. It is only by effective, persistent and organised work with what means it has at its disposal that the party
\ncan make up for this inferiority. That organisation must now be
\ntaken definitely in hand. It is doubtful whether the frail hope of
\nan United Congress will ever take shape as a materialised fact,
\nand even if it does, it is likely to be under such circumstances
\nthat the Nationalists would be ill-advised to put their main
\nenergy into Congress work until they have so all-pervading and
\nsolid a strength in the country as to make it possible for them to
\nassert themselves without any peril to the united progress of the
\nnation. They must vindicate the superiority of their programme
\nby its effectual execution and result, leaving the Moderates for
\nthe present to the raptures of their rapprochement with the
\nbureaucracy.<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n The
\n Reforms<\/a><\/b><\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\nAn argument advanced in favour of the Reforms is that, however
\nineffectual and illusory the expansion of the Legislative Councils
\nmay be \u2014 and the illusory nature of that expansion cannot be
\nseriously denied, \u2014 still there is included in the Reform Scheme
\na measure of local self-government generous, complete and
\neffective, which is well worth acceptance. We are by no means
\ncertain how far a substantial measure of local self-government is really
\ncontemplated by the Government. It was originally proposed, we believe, to form local self-governing bodies elected by
\nthe people and uncontrolled by any official chairman. But many
\nthings were originally proposed which seem to have little chance of
\ntaking shape as ultimate actualities. We are not aware how far
\nthe measure will be carried out, what limitation may be put upon
\nit or whether the control of the official chairman will not be<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 201<\/font><\/p>\n

\n<\/div>\n

\nreplaced by a higher and more distant but eventually more
\neffective control. We shall have to be thoroughly assured on
\nthese points before we can allow that any measure of local self-government included in the measure can outweigh the nugatory
\ncharacter of the main change in the instruments of government.
\nUnless the local self-government is complete and ungrudging, it
\nmay be a convenient measure and to a slight extent strengthen
\nthe educated class in the mofussils, but it cannot be a vital measure or even
\none of the first importance among changes of administrative structure. In any
\ncase it cannot outweigh, however full it may be, the disastrous character of the principle of
\nseparate electorates introduced by Lord Morley, intentionally or
\nunintentionally, as the thin end of a wedge which, when driven
\nwell home, will break our growing nationality into a hundred
\njarring pieces. Only by standing aloof from the new councils
\ncan this destruction be avoided. This is the point on which we
\nfeel bound to lay stress again and again because it is the one vital
\nand effective thing in the new measure, all the rest is mere frippery
\nand meaningless decoration. It would be a poor statesmanship
\nwhich bought a small and temporary gain by throwing away the future of the
\nnation and the hope of an united India, and posterity will have reason to curse the memory of any popular
\nleader who for the sake either of more gilt on the "gilded shams"
\nor even for a real measure of local self-government, induces the
\nnation to accept the reforms with the separate electorate and
\nspecial privileges for one community as an essential feature.<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n The
\n Limitations of the Act<\/a><\/b><\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\nThere is another point in this connection which destroys the
\nlittle value that might possibly have attached to the argument
\nfrom Lord Morley’s intentions about local self-government. One peruses the Act in vain for a guarantee of any measure of
\nreform which may be conceded under it to the people except
\nthe number of elected and nominated members in the Councils.
\nEverything else, literally everything else, is left to the discretion
\nof Anglo-Indian officialdom. No doubt the present Secretary of<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 202<\/font><\/p>\n

\n<\/div>\n

\nState will have the ultimate decision as to the rules of election,
\nnomination, formation of electorates, acceptance or rejection by
\nthe Government of elected members, veto, division, interpellation etc., and he may decide to put the felt on thickly and copiously. But even if this be done, not one of these things will be
\nassured to us, not one of them but may be reversed by subsequent Viceroys and Secretaries of State, without infringing the
\nmeagre provisions of this Act. As for local self-government we fail to find any
\nguarantee either for its introduction or, if introduced, \u2014 as, no doubt, Lord Morley will have some slight respect
\neven yet for his own reputation, \u2014 for its retention in the future.
\nWhat is to prevent a future Alexander Mackenzie in the Viceregal seat from so altering any measure that may be given as to
\nrender it nugatory and what is to prevent a future Curzon in the
\nIndia Office from confirming this step rearwards ? So far as we
\nhave been able to find, nothing at all. We are just where we were
\nbefore, with concessions granted by arbitrary condescension
\nwhich may be withdrawn at any moment by arbitrary arrogance.
\nWell may Lord Morley say that this is not a measure of self-government and, if he thought it were, he would not concede the
\nmeasure. The Nationalist Party is not opposed to all acceptance
\nof reform; it would welcome and support a measure which would
\nreally concede even a minimum of control and provide a means
\nfor future expansion while perpetually guaranteeing the small
\namount conceded; but a measure by which no control is given,
\nno step taken is guaranteed as to permanence and no provision
\nis made for future expansion is one which no thinking man would
\ncare to have even apart from other defects, and no practical
\npolitician will look at for a moment when coupled with provisions
\ndisastrous to the future of the nation.<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n
\n\tShall
\n We Accept the Partition?<\/a><\/b><\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\nThis may sound a startling proposition to a
\nnation which is perpetually reaffirming its decision never to accept the settled fact.
\nBut it rises definitely upon the question of accepting the reforms.
\nWe cannot conceal from ourselves the staringly patent fact that<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 203<\/font><\/p>\n

\n<\/div>\n

\nif we accept the reforms, we accept the Partition. The new
\nchanges are partly meant to confirm the division which every
\nEnglish statesman declares it to be essential to British prestige
\nto perpetuate, and if the older leaders of West Bengal accept the
\nreforms and stand for Sir Edward Baker’s Council or allow their
\nfollowers to stand for it, the sooner the partition resolution is
\ndeleted from the proceedings of Provincial and District conferences and the celebration of the 16th October discontinued, the
\nbetter for our national honesty and sincerity. If the West Bengal
\nleaders, who under the pressure of public opinion gave up their
\nseats on the old Council and the idea of becoming Honourables
\nin future, join the reformed Council in Calcutta, there is nothing
\nto prevent the East Bengal leaders from joining Sir Lancelot
\nHare’s Council in the capital of the New Province. If that
\nhappens, where will the Anti-Partition agitation be and where
\nthe solemn vow of unity ? To solemnly meet once a year and
\ndeclare that we will never, never accept what we have accepted,
\nwould be a farce too hypocritical for the conscience of the most
\ncynical or the intelligence of the most deluded to tolerate. Any
\nrevival of the fiction that it is East Bengal which has been partitioned from West Bengal and therefore there is no obligation on
\nthe West Bengal leaders to boycott the Councils while the East
\nBengal leaders are so bound, will not be suffered. But the Moderates have definitely and rigidly excluded political boycott from
\ntheir programme; yet what is the abstention from the Councils
\nbut a political boycott ? If they carry this exclusion to its logical
\nresult and accept the reformed Councils, that is the end of the
\nAnti-Partition agitation. Lord Morley’s policy will be entirely
\nsuccessful and Mr. Gokhale may still more loudly acclaim him
\nas the saviour of India from a state of anarchy and chaos.<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 204<\/font><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Facts and Opinions Volume I – Sept. 18, 1909 – Number 13 The Two Programmes               There could hardly be a more striking contrast…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[23],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1070","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-02-karmayogin-volume-02","wpcat-23-id"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1070","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1070"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1070\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1070"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1070"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1070"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}