{"id":1079,"date":"2013-07-13T01:32:25","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:32:25","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=1079"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:32:25","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:32:25","slug":"41-nationalist-work-in-england-vol-02-karmayogin-volume-02","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/01-sabcl\/02-karmayogin-volume-02\/41-nationalist-work-in-england-vol-02-karmayogin-volume-02","title":{"rendered":"-41_Nationalist Work in England.htm"},"content":{"rendered":"\n\n
\n

\nNationalist Work in England<\/font><\/b><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nW<\/b><\/font>E
\n<\/span><\/b>publish in this issue an article by Sj. Bepin Chandra Pal in which he
\nsuggests the necessity of a Nationalist agency or bureau in England, and states the reasoning
\nwhich has led him to modify the views formerly held by the whole
\nparty on the inutility of work in England under the present
\npolitical conditions. Bepin Babu has been busy, ever since his
\ndeparture from India, in work of this kind and it goes without
\nsaying that he would not have engaged in it or persisted in it
\nunder discouraging circumstances, if it had not been borne in on
\nhim that it was advisable and necessary. At the same time,
\nrightly or wrongly, the majority of our party still believe in the
\nconcentration of work into the effort to elicit and organise the
\nlatent strength of the nation, and cannot believe that work in
\nEngland at present is anything but hopeless and a waste of money and energy. We
\nfreely admit that under certain circumstances an agency in England might become indispensable.
\nThat would certainly be the case if an elective body with substantial but limited powers were established in India and serious
\ndifferences of opinion were to arise between the Government and
\nthe popular representatives. But such a state of things is yet
\nremote, and the reformed councils will certainly not be such a
\nbody. At present, what will such a bureau or agency do for the
\ncountry ? Bepin Babu suggests that it may supply the British
\npublic with correct information so as to stem the tide of
\nunscrupulous or prejudiced misinformation pouring into England through Reuter and other Anglo-Indian sources, and that,
\nif the British public get correct information, they will at once
\nput a stop to the policy of repression. We confess, our impression is the reverse, \u2014 that however correct the information
\nwe supply, the British public as a whole \u2014 we do not speak of
\njust and open-minded individuals, \u2014 will still prefer to put
\nconfidence in the mis-statements of their own countrymen rather
\nthan in the true statements of what they believe to be an inferior<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 233<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\nrace indebted to them for any element
\nof civilisation it may now
\npossess. Our impression is that even a correct idea of the facts
\nwould not necessarily lead to a correct appreciation and policy
\nbased on those facts; \u2014 many political and psychological factors
\nwould interfere.<\/font><\/p>\n

\nIf we are to change our opinion,
\nit must be either as the
\nresult of new experience showing the effect of agitation in England or of new reasoning correcting the imperfections of our
\nold premises and conclusions. The only fact that seems to be in
\nfavour of a readjustment of our views, is the energetic campaign
\nin Parliament of Mr. Mackarness and his friends for the release
\nof the deportees. It is alleged that, but for the untoward incident
\nof the Curzon-Wyllie murder, some if not all the deportees would
\nby this time have been released. We have our doubts about this
\nconclusion. Sir Henry Cotton and some of his colleagues were
\nalways ever-hopeful about the effect of their pressure, and their
\nexpectations were more than once disappointed. No ministerial
\npronouncement ever lent any colour to their idea that the release
\nwas imminent when the assassination happened. All that the
\nGovernment had promised, was to consider the question of the
\ndeportees’ farther detention, in the usual course, on the presentation of the six-monthly report, a consideration usual without
\nany Parliamentary agitation. The discomfort of the questions
\nwas, no doubt, great and the long-established sentiment of many
\nLiberals and not a few Conservatives was offended by the long
\ndetention of public men without a trial. But this in itself, though
\nit strewed the path of the deporters with thorns instead of its
\nbeing, as they would have liked, strewn with roses, would not, by
\nitself, have secured the release of the deportees. Even if it had,
\nthe release of one or two or more of the deportees would not have
\nremoved the policy of repression. Only the repeal of the Act could have done
\nthat, and it must have been followed by the eradication of executive illegalities and police harassment as well
\nas of the readiness of Government to pass repressive legislation,
\nbefore the real obstacles in the way of peaceful progress could be
\nremoved. Would an agency in England seriously help towards
\nsuch a consummation, \u2014 that is the question. It means the
\ndiversion of money and effort, and we must see a reasonable<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 234<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\nchance of a return before we embark on
\nit.<\/font><\/p>\n

\nBepin Babu urges that it will, and
\nbases his conception on a
\ncertain reading of the British character and policy which we
\nhesitate to endorse in its entirety. It is quite true that we have
\nheard of certain irresponsible Englishmen longing for a violent
\noutbreak on the part of the people, which would give them an
\nexcuse for equally violent measures to crush Indian aspirations
\nfor ever. But we do not believe for a moment, that some of the
\nresponsible officials, \u2014 and that we believe is all Bepin Babu  implies, \u2014
\ncherished the same idea. We think that all Government officials have regarded the outbreak of Terrorism, small
\nthough it was, with alarm and the utmost anxiety to get rid of it,
\nand indeed we believe the institution of organised repression to
\nhave been the result of an ignorant and unreasoning alarm which
\nhugely exaggerated the dimensions and meaning of the outbreak,
\nas well as wholly misunderstood the drift of the Nationalist
\nmovement. We take exception also to Bepin Babu’s suggestion
\nof the bully in the British character being responsible for the
\nrepressions, as if it were something peculiar to the British race.
\nWhat Bepin Babu wishes to indicate by this phrase, the readiness to use
\nrepression and what are erroneously called strong measures, to intimidate a popular movement, is a tendency which
\nbelongs not to British character especially but to human nature,
\nand should be considered the result not of character but of the
\nposition. The Government in India favour repression because it
\nseems the only way of getting over what they regard as a dangerous movement, without concessions which mean the immediate
\nor gradual cessation of their absolute paramountcy. It is a case
\nof incompatible interests, and until both parties can be brought
\nto a modus vivendi<\/i>, such it will remain. How is that incompatibility to be surmounted, for, at first sight, it seems to be an insurmountable obstacle. Bepin Babu relies on the enlightened
\nself-interest of the British people and to a certain extent on their
\ncivilised conscience. We think we may as well leave the civilised
\nconscience out of the reckoning for the present. The civilised
\nconscience is a remarkably queer and capricious quantity, on
\nwhich, frankly, we place no reliance whatever. It is very sensitive
\nto breaches of principle by others and very indignant when the<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 235<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n
\nsame breaches of principle are
\nquestioned in its own conduct. It
\nsees the mote in other eyes; it is obstinately unaware of the beam
\nin its own. It is always criticising other nations, but it ignores
\nor is furious at criticism of its own. It has fits of sensitiveness in
\nwhich it makes large resolutions, but it can never be trusted to
\npersist in them contrary to its own interests. This civilised
\nconscience is not peculiar to the British people, but belongs in
\na greater or less degree to every European nation with the possible
\nexception of Russia. We prefer infinitely to rely, if we have to
\nrely on anything, on the sense of enlightened self-interest. Here
\nalso we differ from Bepin Babu. He argues as if the British were
\na thoughtful and clear-minded people, and only needed the data
\nto be correctly placed before them in order to understand their interests
\ncorrectly. This is far from the truth about British character. The English are, or were, a people with a rough practical
\ncommon sense and business-like regularity and efficiency which,
\ncoupled with a mighty thew and sinew and a bulldog tenacity
\nand courage, have carried them through all dangers and difficulties and made them one of the first peoples of the globe. They
\nhave had men of unsurpassed thought-power and clearness of
\nview and purpose, but the race is not thoughtful and clear-minded; on the
\ncontrary on all questions requiring thought, intelligence and sympathy they are amazingly muddle-headed and
\ncan only learn by knocking their shins against hard and rough
\nfacts. When this first happens, they swear profusely, rub their
\nshins and try to kick the obstacle out of the way. If it consents
\nto be kicked out of the path, they go on their way rejoicing;<\/font>
\notherwise, after hurting their shins
\nrepeatedly they begin to
\nrespect the obstacle, stop swearing and kicking, and negotiate
\nwith it. In this process, familiar to all who have to do with
\nEnglishmen from the point of view of conflicting interests,
\nthere is much rough practical sense but little thought and
\nintelligence. It is on this conception of the British character that
\nthe Nationalist party has hitherto proceeded. The hard fact of a
\ncontinued and increasing boycott, an indomitable national
\nmovement, a steady passive resistance, have been the obstacles
\nthey have sought to present to the British desire for an absolute
\nlordship. We must prevent these obstacles from being kicked<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 236<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\nout of the way by repression, but the
\nway to achieve that end is
\nto show a tenacity and courage and a power of efficiency  rivalling
\nthe British, and not to make an appeal to the conscience and clear
\ncommon sense of the British public. We could only imagine such
\nan appeal having an effect in the as yet improbable circumstance
\nof a Liberal Government with a small majority dependent for its
\nexistence on a powerful Socialist and Independent Labour Party. Even if this
\nshould be the result of the approaching general elections, the appeal could not have effect unless the hard
\nfacts were there in strong evidence in India itself. Our whole
\neffort should be devoted to establishing these hard facts in a
\nmuch more efficient and thorough way than we have hitherto
\ndone, and the only way is for the Nationalist party to establish
\nits separate existence, clear from the drag of Moderatism on the
\none side and disturbance by ill-instructed outbreaks of Terrorism
\non the other, and erect itself into a living, compact and working
\nforce in India.<\/font><\/p>\n

\nOne day the Government in India will be
\nobliged to come to
\nthe Nationalist Party, which it is now trying to destroy, for help
\nin bringing about a satisfactory settlement of the quarrel between
\nthe bureaucracy and the people. But that will not be till they have
\nexhausted their hopes of achieving the same end on their own
\nterms by playing on the weaknesses of the Moderate Party. If
\nthe country were to follow the Moderate lead and content itself
\nwith the paltry and undesirable measure of reform now proposed,
\nthe progress of India towards self-government would be indefinitely postponed. The Nationalist Party therefore, while showing
\nall willingness to coalesce with the Moderates in the Congress
\non reasonable terms, must jealously guard their separate individuality and existence and decline to enter the Congress on
\nterms which would make them an inoperative force and perpetuate the misbegotten creature of the Allahabad Convention
\nCommittee under the name of the Congress. Nor should they
\nbe drawn into experiments in England which are, at present, of
\ndoubtful value or none.<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 237<\/font><\/p>\n

\n


\n HOME<\/font><\/span><\/a><\/b><\/p>\n

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