{"id":1097,"date":"2013-07-13T01:32:32","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:32:32","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=1097"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:32:32","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:32:32","slug":"54-facts-and-opinions-11-12-1909-vol-02-karmayogin-volume-02","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/01-sabcl\/02-karmayogin-volume-02\/54-facts-and-opinions-11-12-1909-vol-02-karmayogin-volume-02","title":{"rendered":"-54_Facts and Opinions 11-12-1909.htm"},"content":{"rendered":"<table border=\"0\" cellpadding=\"6\" style=\"border-collapse: collapse\" width=\"100%\">\n<tr>\n<td>\n<div class=\"Section6\">\n<p class=\"FR1\" align=\"center\" style=\"line-height: 150%;margin: 0\"><b><span lang=\"EN-US\"><br \/>\n<font size=\"4\">Facts and Opinions<\/font><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" align=\"left\" style='margin:0;line-height:150%;text-align:center'>\n<span lang=\"EN-US\"><font size=\"2\">Volume I &#8211; Dec.<br \/>\n11, 1909 &#8211; Number 23<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" align=\"left\" style='margin:0;line-height:150%;text-align:center'>\n    <b><span lang=\"EN-US\"><font size=\"3\">The<br \/>\n    United<\/font><\/span><\/b><span lang=\"EN-US\"><font size=\"3\"> <b>Congress<\/b><\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" style='margin:0;line-height:150%'>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" style='margin:0;line-height:150%'><span lang=\"EN-US\"><br \/>\n<font size=\"4\">T<\/font><font size=\"3\">he<br \/>\ncontroversy which has arisen between the <i>Bengalee<\/i> and the <i>Amrita Bazar Patrika<\/i><br \/>\non the subject of an united Congress does not strike us as likely to help<br \/>\ntowards the solution of this difficult question. We should ourselves have<br \/>\npreferred to hold silence until the negotiations now proceeding between representatives<br \/>\nof both sides in Calcutta are brought to a definite conclusion either for<br \/>\nsuccess or failure. But certain of the positions taken up by the <i>Bengalee<\/i><br \/>\ncannot be allowed to pass unchallenged. Our contemporary refers to the meeting<br \/>\nin the <i>Amrita Bazar<\/i> Office last year as an All India Conference. He<br \/>\nought to know perfectly well that it was nothing of the kind. The Mahratta<br \/>\nNationalists were extremely anxious for a settlement and they approached the<br \/>\nBengal Moderates to that end through the mediation of Sj. Motilal Ghose.<br \/>\nThe terms arrived at were so humiliating that, although they gave way rather<br \/>\nthan imperil the success of the negotiations, it was with great difficulty<br \/>\nthey could bring themselves to consent, and Bengal Nationalism has never<br \/>\naccepted the surrender on the subject of the creed. At the Hughly Conference, when the four Nationalist<br \/>\nmembers of the Committee were named, great anxiety was expressed by the<br \/>\ndelegates that men should be chosen who would not repeat this surrender. If the<br \/>\nmeeting in Bagbazar last year were an All<br \/>\nIndia Conference, how is it that Bombay Moderatism<br \/>\nrefused to have anything to do with its resolutions, or that Sj. Surendranath and his following did not consider<br \/>\nthemselves bound by the decision to which they were a party and joined the<br \/>\nMadras Congress ? It was an attempt at<br \/>\nnegotiation and nothing more and, having fallen through, binds nobody. The <i>Bengalee<br \/>\n<\/i>says that unless the Nationalists sign the creed, an United Congress is<br \/>\nimpossible, since no one shall be admitted to the Congress who is not<br \/>\nsatisfied with self-government within the Empire<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" style='margin:0;text-align:center;line-height:150%'>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" style='margin:0;text-align:center;line-height:150%'>\n<span lang=\"en-us\"><br \/>\n<font size=\"2\">Page \u2013 295<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<hr>\n<div class=\"Section7\">\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" style='margin:0;line-height:150%'><span lang=\"EN-US\"><font size=\"3\">and<br \/>\nconstitutional means of agitation. This seems to us to be an indirect attempt<br \/>\nat intimidating us by hinting that, if we do not join the Moderates on their<br \/>\nown terms, we shall be declaring ourselves seditionists<br \/>\nand anarchists. That is a method of bringing about unity which we think the<br \/>\nBengal Moderates had better leave to their friends in Bombay and Punjab; it<br \/>\nwill not work in Bengal. If by constitutional means is meant acquiescence in<br \/>\nthe Reforms, \u2014 that is the only constitution given to us, \u2014 we decline to join<br \/>\nin using constitutional means. If peaceful means are intended, we do not know<br \/>\nthat any party advocating public political action is in favour of any but<br \/>\npeaceful means. Nor is it a question of adhesion to or secession from the<br \/>\nBritish Empire. That is an ultimate action which is too far off to form a question of practical politics or<br \/>\na subject of difference. The dispute is one<br \/>\nof ideal, whether we shall aim at being a province of England or a separate<br \/>\nnation on an equality with her carrying on our ancient Asiatic development<br \/>\nunder modern conditions. Whether such separateness<br \/>\nand equality can be effected without breaking the English connection is a<br \/>\nquestion which can only be decided by the final attempt at adjustment between<br \/>\nIndian and British interests. We Nationalists lay stress on the ideal, which is<br \/>\na matter of principle, and not on the form it takes, which is a matter of<br \/>\nexpediency and detail. As far as the United Congress is concerned, the<br \/>\nNationalists are willing to accept the self-government of the provincial type<br \/>\nas the object of the Congress and to make no attempt to disturb this provision<br \/>\nuntil India becomes unanimous for a change, but any attempt to make them sign a<br \/>\ncreed which violates their conscience will be resisted. There can be no farther<br \/>\nweakening on that point, and if the Moderates demand that we shall lay down our<br \/>\nprinciples on the altar to Sir Pherozshah Mehta before they will admit fellowship with us<br \/>\nthen farther negotiations are useless. Disunion must take its course.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" align=\"left\" style='margin:0;line-height:150%'>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" align=\"left\" style='margin:0;line-height:150%'> <b><span lang=\"EN-US\" style='font-size:12.0pt'><br \/>\n    <a name=\"The_Spirit_of_the_Negotiations\">The<br \/>\n    Spirit of the Negotiations<\/a><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" align=\"left\" style='margin:0;line-height:150%'>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" style='margin:0;line-height:150%'><span lang=\"EN-US\" style='font-size:12.0pt'>Both the <i>Bengalee<\/i><br \/>\nand the <i>Amrita Bazar<br \/>\nPatrika<\/i> seem to us to<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" style='margin:0;text-align:center;line-height:150%'>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" style='margin:0;text-align:center;line-height:150%'>\n<span lang=\"en-us\"><br \/>\n<font size=\"2\">Page \u2013 296<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<hr>\n<div class=\"Section8\">\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" style='margin:0;line-height:150%'><span lang=\"EN-US\"><font size=\"3\">misunderstand<br \/>\nthe spirit of the negotiations which are proceeding. The <i>Patrika<\/i> harps on the inconsistency of the<br \/>\nModerate leaders negotiating on one side and at the same time holding a meeting<br \/>\nto send delegates to the Three Men&#8217;s Congress at Lahore. There is no such<br \/>\ncondition underlying the negotiations. At Hughly Sj. Surendranath<br \/>\nexpressly reserved his liberty to attend Sir Pherozshah&#8217;s<br \/>\nCongress and there is no reason why he should not do so if he thinks that his<br \/>\nduty or his best policy. Nor do the Nationalists ask the Bengal Moderates to<br \/>\nrefrain, though they will naturally put their own interpretation on an alliance<br \/>\nbased on the pusillanimous surrender of the Boycott Resolution. On the other<br \/>\nhand the <i>Bengalee<\/i> is quite mistaken in thinking that what the Nationalists<br \/>\nseek is admission to the Convention or that they feel themselves under any<br \/>\nnecessity to go cap in hand to Sir Pherozshah Mehta and Mr. Gokhale.<br \/>\nOn the contrary they distinctly state that the Convention is not the Congress,<br \/>\nbut they recognise that as a mere matter of convenience the reparation of its<br \/>\nerrors by the Convention is the readiest method of bringing<br \/>\nabout a compromise and they are therefore willing to take the <i>status quo<\/i><br \/>\nas a basis for negotiations. They recognise no obligation to conform<br \/>\nsubmissively to that basis or approach the Bombay leaders as the arbiters of<br \/>\ntheir destiny.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" align=\"left\" style='margin:0;line-height:150%'>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" align=\"left\" style='margin:0;line-height:150%'><b> <span lang=\"EN-US\"><br \/>\n\t<font size=\"3\"><br \/>\n    <a name=\"A_Salutary_Rejection\">A<br \/>\n    Salutary Rejection<\/a><\/font><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" align=\"left\" style='margin:0;line-height:150%'>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" style='margin:0;line-height:150%'><span lang=\"EN-US\"><font size=\"3\">We draw the attention of all weak-kneed Nationalists to the ban placed<br \/>\nby the Bombay Government on the candidature of the distinguished and able Poona Nationalist, Mr. N. C. Kelkar.<br \/>\nMahratta Nationalism has never been so robustly uncompromising as the<br \/>\nBengal school in its refusal of co-operation in the absence of control, and Mr. Kelkar, though a sincere and ardent Nationalist, a friend and constant<br \/>\nfellow-worker of Mr. Tilak, has always<br \/>\npreserved an independent line in this matter and considered himself at liberty<br \/>\nto help the cause of the country on bodies controlled by the Government. It<br \/>\ngreatly helps our cause that the Government should so emphatically set its face<br \/>\nagainst any mistaken diplomacy of this kind. Mr. Kelkar&#8217;s<br \/>\nonly specific<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" style='margin:0;text-align:center;line-height:150%'>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" style='margin:0;text-align:center;line-height:150%'>\n<span lang=\"en-us\"><br \/>\n<font size=\"2\">Page \u2013 297<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<hr>\n<div class=\"Section9\">\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" style='margin:0;line-height:150%'><span lang=\"EN-US\"><font size=\"3\">offence<br \/>\nagainst eligibility was a sentence of fine and two months&#8217; imprisonment for<br \/>\ncontempt of court, and that is short of the time required for ineligibility. Sj. Surendranath, who was, by the way, sentenced<br \/>\nto six months for a still graver contempt, has been specially exempted,<br \/>\nunasked, by the Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal from another disability. It is<br \/>\nobvious therefore that Mr. Kelkar&#8217;s real<br \/>\noffence was his Nationalist views and his friendship with Mr. Tilak. We hope that all compromising Nationalists will<br \/>\ntake the lesson of this rebuff to heart. The<br \/>\nobject of the Government is to rally the Mahomedans<br \/>\nand the Moderates and isolate the Nationalists. No doubt they mean by the<br \/>\nModerates the Loyalist section of that party, but they are evidently wishful<br \/>\nnot to entirely alienate the Nationalist Moderates, if they can do so while<br \/>\nexcluding them from all real weight on the Councils. But by what reasoning any<br \/>\nNationalist can imagine that he will escape the operation of the excluding<br \/>\nclauses, we are at a loss to understand. We may also ask our Mahratta brothers what advantage they have gained<br \/>\nby being less rigid than ourselves. They are, if anything, more rigorously<br \/>\npersecuted than we are in Bengal. Weakness of any kind does not pay in dealing<br \/>\nwith the Briton.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" align=\"left\" style='margin:0;line-height:150%'>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" align=\"left\" style='margin:0;line-height:150%'><b> <span lang=\"EN-US\"><br \/>\n\t<font size=\"3\"><br \/>\n    <a name=\"The_English_Revolution\">The<br \/>\n    English Revolution<\/a><\/font><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" align=\"left\" style='margin:0;line-height:150%'>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" style='margin:0;line-height:150%'><span lang=\"EN-US\"><font size=\"3\">The note of<br \/>\nrevolution which was struck with resounding force by Mr. Lloyd George and Mr. Winston Churchill in the quarrel with the Lords,<br \/>\nis now ringing louder in England and has been taken up in soberer but not less<br \/>\nemphatic tones by Mr. Asquith and Sir Edward<br \/>\nGrey. There can be no doubt that there was dissension in the Cabinet over the<br \/>\nBudget and that the concessions made by the Government in the process of<br \/>\npassing it were forced upon Mr. Lloyd George and certainly not to the taste of<br \/>\nthat fiery and uncompromising Celt. But the reactionary attempt of the House of<br \/>\nLords to control finance, has evidently<br \/>\nclosed up the ranks by driving the Moderates over to the cause of revolution.<br \/>\nIt is evidently felt by the Liberals that, with an Upper<br \/>\nChamber more and more shamelessly and constantly a mere tool<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" style='margin:0;text-align:center;line-height:150%'>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" style='margin:0;text-align:center;line-height:150%'>\n<span lang=\"en-us\"><br \/>\n<font size=\"2\">Page \u2013 298<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<hr>\n<div class=\"Section10\">\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" style='margin:0;line-height:150%'><span lang=\"EN-US\"><font size=\"3\">of<br \/>\nthe Conservative leaders, it is impossible for any Liberal Government to<br \/>\naccept office unless it has a mandate to end or mend the Lords. We cannot<br \/>\nbelieve that a similar feeling will not actuate the great mass of Liberals all<br \/>\nover Great Britain and heal all differences. Already the Labour Executive has<br \/>\ndecided to make the victory easier for the Government by not dividing the forward<br \/>\nvote in a considerable number of constituencies and we have no doubt this is<br \/>\nthe outward sign of a secret compact between the Labour Party and the Liberals<br \/>\nby which the return of a powerful Socialist party has been secured. Even the<br \/>\nextreme Socialists, who usually are against all dealing with the middle class<br \/>\nand whose motto is &quot;A plague on both your houses&quot;, are calling on<br \/>\nSocialists of all shades to support the Government in abolishing the House of<br \/>\nLords. If Mr. Asquith had followed the line<br \/>\nwe suggested as possible in a previous number and introduced a moderate but<br \/>\neffective bill for nullifying the Lords&#8217; veto, he would certainly have gained a<br \/>\nnumber of Moderate votes which will now be denied to him, but it is doubtful<br \/>\nwhether the gain of the entire Socialist vote, secured by keeping himself free<br \/>\nto end the House of Lords, is not, in the present condition of English<br \/>\npolitics, a compensation far exceeding the loss. Already Tariff Reform is<br \/>\nreceding into the background and promises to be a subordinate issue. The battle<br \/>\nis over the constitutional, not the fiscal issue. By their anxiety to bring<br \/>\nUnionist Labour candidates into the field and the eager talk of Conservative<br \/>\nleaders about the necessity of reforming the Lords, the party of reaction show<br \/>\nthat they perfectly understand from what quarters disaster threatens. Now that<br \/>\nthe Liberal party is pledged to destroy the Lords&#8217; veto, the English Revolution<br \/>\nis assured and it will be not a middle class but a Socialist and Labour<br \/>\nrevolution. This result is assured whether the Liberals win or lose in the<br \/>\npresent battle. One campaign does not decide the fortunes of such a war.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" align=\"left\" style='margin:0;line-height:150%'>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" align=\"left\" style='margin:0;line-height:150%'> <b><span lang=\"EN-US\" style='font-size:12.0pt'><br \/>\n    <a name=\"Aristocratic_Quibbling\">Aristocratic<br \/>\n    Quibbling<\/a><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" align=\"left\" style='margin:0;line-height:150%'>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" style='margin:0;line-height:150%'><span lang=\"EN-US\" style='font-size:12.0pt'>When we speculated that the Lords would be more likely<br \/>\nto amend the Budget and leave their opponents the onus of throw-<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" style='margin:0;text-align:center;line-height:150%'>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" style='margin:0;text-align:center;line-height:150%'>\n<span lang=\"en-us\"><br \/>\n<font size=\"2\">Page \u2013 299<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<hr>\n<div class=\"Section11\">\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" style='margin:0;line-height:150%'><span lang=\"EN-US\" style='font-size:12.0pt'>ing <\/span><span lang=\"EN-US\"><font size=\"3\">the finances of the whole country into confusion, we underestimated the want<br \/>\nof wit of which this highly venerable but somewhat brainless house is capable.<br \/>\nThis want of wit has shown itself in an unseasonable and wholly futile excess<br \/>\nof refined cunning. The House of Lords felt that its great weakness, when its<br \/>\nconduct went before the country for its verdict, would be the odium of its<br \/>\nunconstitutional attempt to interfere with the control of the finances by the<br \/>\npeople. To mend the unconstitutional appearance of their act, they have taken<br \/>\nup this position, that they have no right to amend but they have the right to<br \/>\nreject the Budget. It appears to be a right which they have sometimes been<br \/>\nunwise enough to claim, but never unwise enough to enforce. The aristocratic<br \/>\nhair-splitter who discovered this quibble seems to have forgotten that, however<br \/>\npleasing the distinction may be to his ingenuity, the mass of the voters will<br \/>\nnot care one straw to examine fine distinctions which claim the whole and<br \/>\ndisclaim the part. They will simply say that the right of rejection means the<br \/>\nright of baffling the representatives of the people and paralysing finance.<br \/>\nThe other device of the Lords is to avoid the appearance of disputing the<br \/>\npeople&#8217;s right by putting the rejection in the form of a referendum to the<br \/>\npeople, a procedure which the British constitution does not include in itself<br \/>\nand which is entirely new. Unfortunately they have made too much noise about<br \/>\nthe woes of the Dukes and Mr. Balfour has<br \/>\nmade the damaging<i> <\/i> admission that it<br \/>\nis only the liquor and the land clauses to which he objects, so that it is too<br \/>\nlate to pretend that it is anxiety for the liberties of the people and not<br \/>\nsolicitude for their own pockets and the pockets of their allies the publicans<br \/>\nthat has dictated their action. The indecent crowding of Lords who never before<br \/>\nattended a single sitting, to reject the Budget, was also a tactical error. On<br \/>\nthe whole the action of the House of Lords has greatly helped Mr. Asquith and we may await with some confidence the<br \/>\nresult of a struggle in which India is deeply interested.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" style='margin:0;text-align:center;line-height:150%'>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" style='margin:0;text-align:center;line-height:150%'>\n<span lang=\"en-us\"><br \/>\n<font size=\"2\">Page \u2013 300<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Facts and Opinions Volume I &#8211; Dec. 11, 1909 &#8211; Number 23 The United Congress &nbsp; The controversy which has arisen between the Bengalee and&#8230;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[23],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1097","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-02-karmayogin-volume-02","wpcat-23-id"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1097","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1097"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1097\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1097"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1097"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1097"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}