{"id":1133,"date":"2013-07-13T01:32:49","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:32:49","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=1133"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:32:49","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:32:49","slug":"52-the-need-of-administrative-unity-vol-15-social-and-political-thought-volume-15","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/01-sabcl\/15-social-and-political-thought-volume-15\/52-the-need-of-administrative-unity-vol-15-social-and-political-thought-volume-15","title":{"rendered":"-52_The Need of Administrative Unity.htm"},"content":{"rendered":"\n\n
\n
\n


\nCHAPTER <\/font><\/b>
\nXXVI<\/font><\/span>
\n<\/font>
\nThe Need of
\nAdministrative Unity<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n
\n                               
\n<\/font>
\n<\/span>I<\/font><\/b>N ALMOST all current ideas of the first step towards international
\norganisation, it is taken for granted that the nations will continue to enjoy their
\nseparate existence and liberties and will only leave to international action
\nthe prevention of war, the regulation of dangerous disputes, the power of
\nsettling great international questions which they cannot settle by ordinary
\nmeans. It is impossible that the development should stop there; this first step
\nwould necessarily lead to others which could travel only in one direction.
\nWhatever authority were established, if it is to be a true authority in any
\ndegree and not a mere concert for palaver, would find itself called upon to act
\nmore frequently and to assume always increasing powers. To avoid preventible
\ndisturbance and friction, to avert hereafter the recurrence of troubles and
\ndisasters which in the beginning the first limitations of its powers had
\ndebarred the new authority from averting by a timely intervention before they
\ncame to a head, to bring about a co-ordination of activities for common ends,
\nwould be the principal motives impelling humanity to advance from a looser to a
\ncloser union, from a voluntary self-subordination in great and exceptional
\nmatters to an obligatory subordination in most matters. The desire of powerful
\nnations to use it for their own purposes, the utility for weaker nations of
\nappealing to it for the protection of their interests, the shock of actual or
\nthreatened internal disturbances and revolutions would all help to give the
\ninternational authority greater power and provide occasions for extending its
\nnormal action. Science, thought and religion, the three great forces which in
\nmodern times tend increasingly to override national distinctions and point the
\nrace towards unity of life and spirit, would become more impatient of national
\nbarriers, hostilities and divisions and lend their powerful influence to the
\nchange. The great struggle between Capital and<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\nPage-471<\/font><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n
\n

<\/span><\/div>\n

\nLabour might become rapidly world-wide, arrive at such
\nan international organisation as would precipitate the inevitable step or even
\npresent the actual crisis which would bring about the <\/font> transformation.1<\/sup> <\/font><\/span>
\n
\n
\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0
\n<\/span><\/font><\/span>Our supposition for the moment is that a well-unified World-
\nState with the nations for its provinces would be the final out- come. At
\nfirst, taking up the regulation of international disputes and of economic
\ntreaties and relations, the international authority would start as an arbiter
\nand an occasional executive power and change by degrees into a legislative body
\nand a standing executive power. Its legislation would be absolutely necessary
\nin international matters, if fresh convulsions are to be avoided; for it is
\nidle to suppose that any international arrangement, any ordering of the world
\narrived at after the close of the great war and upheaval could be permanent and
\ndefinitive. Injustice, in- equalities, abnormalities, causes of quarrel or
\ndissatisfaction would remain in the relations of nation with nation, continent
\nwith continent which would lead to fresh hostilities and explosions. As these
\nare prevented in the nation-State by the legislative authority which constantly
\nmodifies the existing system of things in conformity with new ideas, interests,
\nforces and necessities, so it would have to be in the developing World-State.
\nThis legislative power as it developed, extended, regularised its actions,
\npowers and processes, would become more complex and would be bound to interfere
\nat many points and override or substitute its own for the separate national
\naction. That would imply the growth also of its executive power and the
\ndevelopment of an international executive organisation. At first it might confine
\nitself to the most important questions and affairs which obviously demanded its
\ncontrol; but it would tend increasingly to stretch its hand to all or most
\nmatters that could be viewed as having an international effect and importance.
\nBefore long it would invade and occupy. even those fields in which the nations
\nare now jealous of their own rights and power. And eventually it would permeate
\nthe whole system of the national life and subject it to inter-<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n


\n1<\/font> <\/font><\/sup>It might seem that the general spread of
\nFascism would prevent this development by abolishing the class war, but it is
\nstill doubtful even in Fascist countries whether this abolition is not a mere
\ninterlude, a suspense and not a definitive solution<\/font><\/span>.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\nPage-472<\/font><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n
\n

<\/span><\/div>\n

\nnational control in the interests of the better
\nco-ordination of the united life, culture, science, organisation, education,
\nefficiency of the human race. It would reduce the now free and separate nations
\nfirst to the position of the States of the American Union or the German Empire
\nand eventually perhaps to that of geographical provinces or departments of the
\nsingle nation of mankind.<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n


\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>The present
\nobstacle to any such extreme consummation is the still strong principle of
\nnationalism, the sense of group separateness, the instinct of collective independence,
\nits pride, its pleasure in itself, its various sources of egoistic
\nself-satisfaction, its insistence on the subordination of the human idea to the
\nnational idea. But we are supposing that the new-born idea of internationalism
\nwill grow apace, subject to itself the past idea and temper of nationalism,
\nbecome dominant and take pos- session of the human mind. As the larger
\nnation-group has subordinated to itself and tended to absorb all smaller clan,
\ntribal and regional groups, as the larger empire-group now tends to subordinate
\nan~ might, if allowed to develop, eventually absorb the smaller nation-groups,
\nwe are supposing that the complete human group of united mankind will
\nsubordinate to itself in the same way and eventually absorb all smaller groups
\nof separated humanity. It is only by a growth of the international idea, the
\nidea of a single humanity, that nationalism can disappear, if the old natural
\ndevice of an external unification by con- quest or other compulsive force
\ncontinues to be no longer possible; for the methods of war have become too
\ndisastrous and no single empire has the means and the strength to overcome,
\nwhether rapidly or in the gradual Roman way, the rest of the world.
\nUndoubtedly, nationalism is a more powerful obstacle to farther unification
\nthan was the separativeness of the old pettier and less firmly self-conscious
\ngroupings which preceded the developed nation-State. It is still the most
\npowerful sentiment in the collective human mind, still gives an indestructible
\nvitality to the nation and is apt to reappear even where it seemed to have been
\nabolished. But we cannot argue safely from the present balance of tendencies in
\nthe beginning of a great era of transitions. Already there are at work not only
\nideas but forces,<\/font><\/p>\n

\nPage-473<\/font><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n
\n

<\/span><\/div>\n

\nall the more powerful for being forces of the future
\nand not established powers of the present, which may succeed in subordinating
\nnationalism to themselves far earlier than we can at pre- sent conceive.<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n


\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>If the
\nprinciple of the World-State is carried to its logical conclusion and to its
\nextreme consequences, the result will be a process analogous, in principle,
\nwith whatever necessary differences in the manner or form or extent of
\nexecution, to that by which in the building of the nation-State the central
\ngovernment, first as a monarchy, then as a democratic assembly and executive,
\ngathered up the whole administration of the national life. There will be a
\ncentralisation of all control, military and police, administrative, judicial,
\nlegislative, economic, social and cultural in the one international authority.
\nThe spirit of the centralisation will be a strong unitarian idea and the
\nprinciple of uniformity enforced for the greatest practical convenience and the
\nresult a rationalised mechanism of human life and activities throughout the
\nworld –<\/span> with justice, universal
\nwell-being, economy of effort and scientific efficiency as its principal
\nobjects. Instead of the individual activities of nation-groups each working for
\nitself with the maximum of friction and waste and conflict, there will be an
\neffort at co-ordination such as we now see in a well-organised modern State, of
\nwhich the complete idea is a thorough-going State socialism, nowhere yet
\nrealised indeed, but rapidly coming into existence.1<\/sup> If we
\nglance briefly at each department of the communal activity, we shall see that
\nthis development is inevitable.<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n


\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>We have
\nseen already that all military power – and in the World-State that would mean
\nan international armed police – <\/span>must
\nbe concentrated in the hands of one common authority; otherwise the State
\ncannot endure. A certain concentration of the final power of decision in
\neconomic matters would be also in time inevitable. And in the end this
\nsupremacy could not stop short of a complete control. For, the economic life of
\nthe world is becoming more and more one and indivisible; but the present<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n


\n1 <\/font><\/sup>Since this was written, this coming into existence has become much more
\nrapid and thorough-going in three at least of the greatest nations and a more
\nhesitating and less clearly self-conscious imitation of it is in evidence in
\nsmaller countries<\/span>.<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n

\nPage-474<\/font><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n
\n

<\/span><\/div>\n

\nstate of international relations is an anomalous
\ncondition of opposite principles partly in conflict, partly accommodated to
\neach other as best they can be, –<\/span>
\nbut the best is bad and harmful to the common interest. On the one side, there
\nis the underlying unity which makes each nation commercially dependent on all
\nthe rest. On the other, there is the spirit of national jealousy, egoism and
\nsense of separate existence which makes each nation attempt at once to assert
\nits industrial independence and at the same time reach out for a hold of its
\noutgoing commercial activities upon foreign markets. The interaction of these
\ntwo principles is regulated at present partly by the permitted working of
\nnatural forces, partly by tacit practice and understanding, partly by systems
\nof tariff protection, bounties, State aid of one kind or another on the one
\nhand and commercial treaties and agreements on the other. Inevitably, as the
\nWorld-State grew, this would be felt to be an anomaly, a wasteful and
\nuneconomical process. An efficient international authority would be compelled
\nmore and more to intervene and modify the free arrangements of nation with
\nnation. The commercial interests of humanity at large would be given the first
\nplace; the independent proclivities and commercial ambitions or jealousies of
\nthis and that nation would be compelled to subordinate themselves to the human
\ngood. The ideal of mutual exploitation would be replaced by the ideal of a fit
\nand proper share in the united economic life of the race. Especially, as
\nsocialism advanced and began to regulate the whole economic existence of
\nseparate countries, the same principle would gain ground in the international
\nfield and in the end the World-State would be called upon to take up into its
\nhands the right ordering of the industrial production and distribution of the
\nworld. Each country might be allowed for a time to produce its own absolute
\nnecessities: but in the end it would probably be felt that this was no more
\nnecessary than for Wales or Scotland to produce all its own necessities
\nindependently of the rest of the British Isles or for one province of India to
\nbe an economic unit independent of the rest of the country; each would produce
\nand distribute only what it could to the best advantage, most naturally, most
\nefficiently and most economically, for the common need and demand of mankind in
\nwhich<\/font><\/p>\n

\nPage-475<\/font><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n
\n

<\/span><\/div>\n

\nits own would be inseparably included. It would do this
\naccording to a system settled by the common will of mankind through its State
\ngovernment and under a method made uniform in its principles, however variable
\nin local detail, so as to secure the simplest, smoothest and most rational
\nworking of a necessarily complicated machinery.<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n


\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>The
\nadministration of the general order of society is a less pressing matter of
\nconcern than it was to the nation-States in their period of formation, because
\nthose were times when the element of order had almost to be created and
\nviolence, crime and revolt were both more easy and more a natural and general
\npropensity of mankind. At the present day, not only are societies tolerably
\nwell-organised in this respect and equipped with the absolutely necessary
\nagreements between country and country, but by an elaborate system of national,
\nregional and municipal governments linked up by an increasingly rapid power of
\ncommunication, the State can regulate parts of the order of life with which the
\ncruder governments of old were quite unable to deal with any full effect. In
\nthe World-State, it may thought, each country may be left to its own free
\naction in matters of its internal order, and, indeed, of all its separate
\npolitical, social and cultural life. But even here it is probable that the
\nworld-State would demand a greater centralization and uniformity than we can
\nnow easily imagine.<\/font>\u00a0<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n


\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>In the
\nmatter, for instance, of the continual struggle of society with the still
\nineradicable element of crime which it generates in its own bosom, the crudity
\nof the present system is sure to be recognised and a serious attempt made to
\ndeal with it in a very radical manner. The first necessity would be the close
\nobservation and supervision of the great mass of constantly re-created corrupt
\nhuman material in which the bacillus of crime finds its natural
\nbreeding-ground. This is at present done very crudely and imperfectly and, for
\nthe most part, after the event of actual crime by the separate police of each
\nnation with extradition treaties and informal mutual aid as a device against
\nevasion by place-shift. The World-State would insist on an international as
\nwell as a local supervision, not only to deal with the phenomenon of what may
\nbe called international crime and disorder<\/font><\/p>\n

\nPage-476<\/font><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n
\n

<\/span><\/div>\n

\nwhich is likely to increase largely under future
\nconditions, but for the more important object of the prevention of crime.<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n


\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>For the
\nsecond necessity it would feel would be the need to deal with crime at its roots
\nand in its inception. It may attempt this, first by a more enlightened method
\nof education and moral and temperamental training which would render the growth
\nof criminal propensities more difficult; secondly, by scientific or eugenic
\nmethods of observation, treatment, isolation, perhaps sterilisation of corrupt
\nhuman material; thirdly, by a humane and enlightened gaol system and
\npenological method which would have for its aim not the punishment but the
\nreform of the incipient and the formed criminal. It would insist on a certain
\nuniformity of principle so that there might not be countries that would
\npersevere in backward and old-world or inferior or erratic systems and so
\ndefeat the general object. For this end centralisation of control would be necessary
\nor at least strongly advisable. So too with the judicial method. The present
\nsystem is still considered as enlightened and civilised, and it is so
\ncomparatively with the mediaeval methods; but a time will surely come when it
\nwill be condemned as grotesque, inefficient, irrational and in many of its
\nprincipal features semi-barbaric, a half-conversion at most of the more
\nconfused and arbitrary methods of an earlier state of social thought and
\nfeeling and social life. With the development of a more rational system, the
\npreservation of the old juridical and judicial principles and methods in any
\npart of the world would be felt to be intolerable and the World-State would be
\nled to standardise the new principles and the new methods by a common
\nlegislation and probably a general centralised control.<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n


\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>In all
\nthese matters, it might be admitted, uniformity and centralisation would be
\nbeneficial and to some extent inevitable; no jealousy of national separateness
\nand independence could be allowed under such conditions to interfere with the
\ncommon good of humanity. But at least in the choice of their political system
\nand in other spheres of their social life the nations might well be left to
\nfollow their own ideals and propensities and to be healthily and naturally
\nfree. It may even be said that the nations would never tolerate any serious
\ninterference in these matters and that the attempt to use the World-State for
\nsuch a purpose<\/font><\/p>\n

\nPage-477<\/font><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n
\n

<\/span><\/div>\n

\nwould be fatal to its existence. But, as a matter of
\nfact, the principle of political non-interference is likely to be much less
\nadmitted in the future than it has been in the past or is at present. Always in
\ntimes of great and passionate struggle between conflicting political ideas, –<\/span> between oligarchy and democracy in
\nancient Greece, between the old regime and the ideas of the French Revolution
\nin modern Europe, – the principle of political non-interference has gone to the
\nwall. But now we see another phenomenon –<\/span>
\nthe opposite principle of interference slowly erecting itself into a conscious
\nrule of international life. There is more and more possible an intervention
\nlike the American interference in Cuba, not on avowed grounds of national
\ninterest, but ostensibly on behalf of liberty, constitutionalism and democracy,
\nor of an opposite social and political principle, on international grounds
\ntherefore and practically in the force of this idea that the internal
\narrangements of a country concern, under certain conditions of disorder or
\ninsufficiency, not only itself, but its neighbours and humanity at large. A
\nsimilar principle was put forward by the Allies in regard to Greece during the
\nwar. It was applied to one of the most powerful nations of the world in the
\nrefusal of the Allies to treat with Germany or, practically, to re-admit it
\ninto the comity of nations unless it set aside its existing political system
\nand principles and adopted the forms of modem democracy, dismissing all remnant
\nof absolutist rule.1<\/sup> <\/font><\/p>\n

\n    <\/font>
\n <\/font><\/span>This
\nidea of the common interest of the race in the internal affairs of a nation is
\nbound to increase as the life of humanity becomes more unified. The great
\npolitical question of the future is likely to be the challenge of Socialism,
\nthe full evolution of the omnipotent State. And if Socialism triumphs in the
\nleading nations of the world, it will inevitably seek to impose its rule
\neverywhere not only by indirect pressure, but even by direct interference in
\nwhat it would consider backward countries. An international authority,
\nParliamentary or other, in which it<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\n1 <\/font><\/sup>The hardly disguised intervention of the Fascist
\nPowers in Spain to combat and beat down the democratic Government of the
\ncountry is a striking example of what is likely to increase in the future.
\nSince then there has been the interference in an opposite sense with the Franco
\nregime in the same country and the pressure put upon it, however incomplete and
\nwavering, to change its method and principle<\/font><\/span>.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\nPage-478<\/font><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n
\n

<\/span><\/div>\n

\ncommanded the majority or the chief influence, would be
\ntoo ready a means to be neglected. Moreover, a World-State would probably no
\nmore find it possible to tolerate the continuance of certain nations as
\ncapitalist societies, itself being socialistic in major part, than a capitalist
\nor socialist Great Britain would tolerate a socialist or capitalist Scotland or
\nWales. On the other hand, if all nations become socialistic in form, it would
\nbe natural enough for the World-State to co-ordinate all these separate
\nsocialisms into one great system of human life. But Socialism pursued to its
\nfull development means the destruction of the distinction between political and
\nsocial activities; it means the socialisation of the common life and its
\nsubjection in all its parts to its own organised government and administration.
\nNothing small or great escapes its purview. Birth and marriage, labour and
\namusement and rest, education, culture, training of physique and character, the
\nsocialistic sense leaves nothing outside its scope and its busy intolerant
\ncontrol. Therefore, granting an international Socialism, neither the politics nor
\nthe social life of the separate peoples is likely to escape the centralised
\ncontrol of the World-State.1<\/sup> <\/font>
\n
\n <\/font><\/span><\/p>\n


\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>Such a
\nworld-system is remote indeed from our present conceptions and established
\nhabits of life, but these conceptions and habits are already subjected at their
\nroots to powerful forces of change. Uniformity is becoming more and more the
\nlaw of the world; it is becoming more and more difficult, in spite of sentiment
\nand in spite of conscious efforts of conservation and revival, for local
\nindividualities to survive. But the triumph of uniformity would naturally make
\nfor centralisation; the radical incentive to separateness would disappear. And
\ncentralisation once accomplished would in its turn make for a more complete
\nuniformity. Such decentralisation as might be indispensable in a uniform
\nhumanity would be needed for convenience of administration, not on the ground
\nof true separative variations. Once the national sentiment has gone under
\nbefore a dominant inter-<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n1 <\/sup><\/font>T<\/font>his
\naspect of Socialism in action has received a striking confirmation in the trend
\nto total governmental control in Germany and Italy. The strife between national
\n(Fascist) Social- ism and pure Marxist Socialism could not have been foreseen at
\nthe time of writing; but which- ever form prevails. there is an identical
\nprinciple<\/font><\/span>.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\nPage-479<\/font><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n
\n

<\/span><\/div>\n

\nnationalism, large questions of culture and race would
\nbe the only grounds left for the preservation of a strong, though subordinate,
\nprinciple of separation in the World-State. But difference of culture is quite
\nas much threatened today as any other more outward principle of group
\nvariation. The differences between the European nations are simply minor
\nvariations of a common occidental culture. And now that Science, that great
\npower for uniformity of thought and life and method, is becoming more and more
\nthe greater part and threatens to become the whole of culture and life, the
\nimportance of these variations is likely to decrease. The only radical
\ndifference that still exists is between the mind of the Occident and the mind
\nof the Orient. But here too Asia is undergoing the shock of Europeanism and
\nEurope is beginning to feel, however slightly, the reflux of Asiatic ism. A
\ncommon world-culture is the most probable outcome. The valid objection to
\ncentralisation will then be greatly diminished in force, if not removed
\naltogether. Race-sense is perhaps a stronger obstacle because it is more
\nirrational; but this too may be removed by the closer intellectual, cultural
\nand physical intercourse which is inevitable in the not distant future. 1<\/sup><\/font> <\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>
\nThe dream of the cosmopolitan
\nsocialist thinker may therefore be realised after all. And given the powerful
\ncontinuance of the present trend of world-forces, it is in a way inevitable.
\nEven what seems now most a chimera, a common language, may become a reality.
\nFor a State naturally tends to establish one language as the instrument of all
\nits public affairs, its thought, its literature; the rest sink into patois,
\ndialects, provincial tongues, like Welsh in Great Britain or Breton and
\nProvencal in France; exceptions like Switzerland are few, hardly more than one
\nor two in number, and are preserved only by unusually favour- able conditions.
\nIt is difficult indeed to suppose that languages with powerful literatures
\nspoken by millions of cultured men will allow themselves to be put into a quite
\nsecondary position, much less snuffed out by any old or new speech of man. But
\nit cannot be quite certainly said that scientific reason, taking possession of<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\n1 <\/font><\/sup>Fascist
\nand Nazi racialism strikes across this probability and, if it remains
\nirreductible, would make unification impossible, except by conquest or control
\nof the world by a few dominant nations. It is possible, however, that this is
\nonly a passing phase<\/font><\/span>.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\nPage-480<\/font><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n
\n

<\/span><\/div>\n

\nthe mind of the race and thrusting aside separative
\nsentiment as a barbaric anachronism, may not accomplish one day even this
\npsychological miracle. In any case, variety of language need be no insuperable
\nobstacle to uniformity of culture, to uniformity of education, life and
\norganisation or to a regulating scientific machinery applied to all departments
\nof life and settled for the common good by the united will and intelligence of
\nthe human race. For that would he what a WorId-State, such as we have imagined,
\nwould stand for, its meaning, its justification, its human object. It is likely
\nindeed that this and nothing less would come in the end to be regarded as the
\nfull justification of its existence.<\/font><\/p>\n

\nPage-481<\/font><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

CHAPTER XXVI The Need of Administrative Unity                                   IN ALMOST all current ideas of the first step towards international organisation, it is taken for…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[25],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1133","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-15-social-and-political-thought-volume-15","wpcat-25-id"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1133","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1133"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1133\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1133"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1133"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1133"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}