{"id":1140,"date":"2013-07-13T01:32:51","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:32:51","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=1140"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:32:51","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:32:51","slug":"40-the-possibility-of-a-first-step-twoards-international-unity-vol-15-social-and-political-thought-volume-15","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/01-sabcl\/15-social-and-political-thought-volume-15\/40-the-possibility-of-a-first-step-twoards-international-unity-vol-15-social-and-political-thought-volume-15","title":{"rendered":"-40_The Possibility of a First Step Twoards International Unity.htm"},"content":{"rendered":"\n\n
\n
\n


\nCHAPTER <\/font><\/b>
\nXIV
\n<\/font>The
\nPossibility of a First Step <\/font> <\/span><\/b>
\ntowards International Unity- <\/font> <\/b> <\/span><\/p>\n

\nIts Enormous Difficulties<\/font><\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/font>T<\/font><\/span>HE study of the growth
\nof the nation-unit under the pressure indeed of a growing inner need and idea but
\nby the agency of political, economic and social forces, forms and instruments
\nshows us a progress that began from a loose formation in which various elements
\nwere gathered together for unification, proceeded through a period of strong
\nconcentration and coercion in which the conscious national ego was developed,
\nfortified and provided with a centre and instruments of its organic life and
\npassed on to a final period of assured separate existence and internal unity as
\nagainst outside pres- sure in which liberty and an active and more and more
\nequal share of all in the benefits of the national life became possible. If the
\nunity of the human race is to be brought about by the same means and agents and
\nin a similar fashion to that of the nation, we should expect it to follow a
\nsimilar course. That is at least the most visible probability and it seems to
\nbe consistent with the natural law of all creation which starts from the loose
\nmass, the more or less amorphous vague of forces and materials and proceeds by contraction,
\nconstriction, solidification into a firm mould in which the rich evolution of
\nvarious forms of life is at last securely possible.<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n


\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>If we
\nconsider the actual state of the world and its immediate possibilities, we
\nshall see that a first period of loose formation and imperfect order is
\ninevitable. Neither the intellectual preparation of the human race nor the
\ndevelopment of its sentiments nor the economic and political forces and
\nconditions by which it is moved and preoccupied have reached to such a point of
\ninner stress or external pressure as would warrant us in<\/font><\/p>\n

\nPage-361<\/font><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n
\n

<\/span><\/div>\n

\nexpecting a total change of the basis of our life or
\nthe establishment of a complete or a real unity. There cannot as yet be even a
\nreal external unity, far less a psychological oneness. It is true that the
\nvague sense and need of something of the kind has been growing rapidly and the
\nobject lesson of the war brought the master idea of the future out of the
\nnascent condition in which it was no more than the generous chimera of a few
\npacifists or internationalist idealists. It came to be recognised that it
\ncontains in itself some force of eventual reality, and the voice of those who
\nwould cry it down as the pet notion of intellectual cranks and faddists had no
\nlonger the same volume and confidence, because it was no longer so solidly
\nsupported by the common sense of the average man, that short-sighted common
\nsense of the material mind which consists in a strong feeling for immediate
\nactualities and an entire blindness to the possibilities of the future. But
\nthere has as yet been no long intellectual preparation of a more and more
\ndominant thought cast out by the intellectuals of the age to remould the ideas
\nof common men, nor has there been any such gathering to a head of the growing
\nrevolt against present conditions as would make it possible for vast masses of
\nmen seized by the passion for an ideal and by the hope of a new happiness for
\nmankind to break up the present basis of things and construct a new scheme of
\ncollective life. In another direction, the replacing of the individualistic
\nbasis of society by an increasing collectivism, there has been to a large
\nextent such an intellectual preparation and gathering force of revolt; there
\nthe war has acted as a precipitative force and brought us much nearer to the
\npossibility of a realised – not necessarily a democratic –<\/span> State socialism. But there have been
\nno such favourable preconditions for a strong movement of international
\nunification. No great effective outburst of a massed and dynamic idealism in
\nthis direction can be reasonably predicted. The preparation may have begun, it
\nmay have been greatly facilitated and hastened by recent events, but it is
\nstill only in its first stages.<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n


\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>Under such
\nconditions the ideas and schemes of the world’s intellectuals who would replan
\nthe whole status of international life altogether and from <\/i>its roots in
\nthe light of general principles,<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/font>Page-362<\/font><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n
\n

<\/span><\/div>\n

\nare not likely to find any immediate realisation. In
\nthe absence of a general idealistic outburst of creative human hope which would
\nmake such changes possible, the future will be shaped not by the ideas of the
\nthinker but by the practical mind of the politician which represents the
\naverage reason and temperament of the time and effects usually something much
\nnearer the minimum than the maximum of what is possible. The average general
\nmind of a great mass of men, while it is ready to listen to such ideas as it
\nhas been prepared to receive and is accustomed to seize on this or that notion
\nwith a partisan avidity, is yet ruled in its action not so much by its thought
\nas by its interests, passions and prejudices. The politician and the statesman
\n\u2013 and the world is now full of politicians but very empty of statesmen – act in
\naccordance with this average general mind of the mass; the one is governed by
\nit, the other has always to take it into chief account and cannot lead it where
\nhe will, unless he is one of those great geniuses and powerful personalities
\nwho unite a large mind and dynamic force of conception with an enormous power
\nor influence over men. Moreover, the political mind has limitations of its own
\nbeyond those of the general average mind of the mass; it is even more
\nrespectful of the status quo, <\/i>more disinclined to great adventure in
\nwhich the safe footing of the past has to be abandoned, more incapable of
\nlaunching out into the uncertain and the new. To do that it must either be
\nforced by general opinion or a powerful interest or else itself fall under the
\nspell of a great new enthusiasm diffused in the mental atmosphere of the times.<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n


\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>If the
\npolitician mind is left entirely to itself, we could expect no better tangible
\nresult of the greatest international convulsion on record than a rearrangement
\nof frontiers, a redistribution of power and possessions and a few desirable or
\nundesirable developments of international, commercial and other relations. That
\nis one disastrous possibility leading to more disastrous convulsions – so long
\nas the problem is not solved – against which the future of the world is by no
\nmeans secure. Still, since the mind of humanity has been greatly moved and its
\nsentiments powerfully awakened, since the sense is becoming fairly wide-spread
\nthat the old status of things is<\/font><\/p>\n

\nPage-363<\/font><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n
\n

<\/span><\/div>\n

\nno longer tolerable and the undesirability of an
\ninternational balance reposing on a ring of national egoisms held in check only
\nby mutual fear and hesitation, by ineffective arbitration treaties and Hague
\ntribunals and the blundering discords of a European Concert must be now fairly
\nclear even to the politician mind, we might expect that some serious attempt
\ntowards the beginning of a new order should be the result of the moral collapse
\nof the old. The passions and hatreds and selfish national hopes raised by the
\nwar must certainly be a great obstacle in the way and may easily render futile
\nor of a momentary stability any such beginning. But, if nothing else, the mere
\nexhaustion and internal reaction produced after the relaxing of the tensity of
\nthe struggle, might give time for new ideas, feelings, forces, events to emerge
\nwhich will counteract this pernicious influence.1<\/sup> <\/font>
\n <\/font><\/p>\n


\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>Still, the
\nmost that we could at all expect must needs be very little. In the internal
\nlife of the nations, the ultimate effects of the war cannot fail to be powerful
\nand radical, for there every- thing is ready, the pressure felt has been
\nenormous and the expansion after it has been removed must be correspondingly
\ngreat in its results; but in international life we can only look forward at the
\nbest to a certain minimum of radical change which, however small, might yet in
\nitself turn out to be an irrevocable departure, a seed of sufficient vitality
\nto ensure the inevitability of future growth. If, indeed, developments had
\noccurred before the end of this world-wide struggle strong enough to change the
\ngeneral mind of Europe, to force the dwarfish thoughts of its rulers into
\ngreater depths and generate a more wide-reaching sense of the necessity for
\nradical change than has yet been developed, more might have been hoped for; but
\nas the great conflict drew nearer to its close, no such probability emerged;
\nthe dynamic period during which in such a crisis the effective ideas and
\ntendencies of men are formed, passed without<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n


\n1 <\/font><\/sup>
\nWritten originally in
\n1916 before the end of the war. This happier possibility could not immediately
\nmaterialise, but the growing insecurity, confusion and disorder have made the
\ncreation of some international system more and more imperative if modem
\ncivilisation is not to collapse in bloodshed and chaos. The result of this
\nnecessity has been first the creation of the League of Nations and afterwards
\nthe U.N.O.: neither has proved very satisfactory from the political point of
\nview, but henceforward the existence of some such arranged centre of order has
\nbecome very evidently indispensable<\/font><\/span>.  <\/font><\/span>
\n
\n
\n                                                                                                               
\nPage-364<\/font><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n
\n

<\/span><\/div>\n

\nthe creation of any great and profound impulse. There
\nwere only two points on which the general mind of the peoples was power- fully
\naffected. First there was generated a sense of revolt against the possible repetition
\nof this vast catastrophe; still more strongly felt was the necessity for
\nfinding means to prevent the unparalleled dislocation of the economic life of
\nthe race which was brought about by the convulsion. Therefore it is in these
\ntwo directions that some real development could be expected; for so much must
\nbe attempted if the general expectation and desire are to be satisfied and to
\ntrifle with these would be to declare the political intelligence of Europe
\nbankrupt. That failure would convict its governments and ruling classes of
\nmoral and intellectual impotence and might well in the end provoke a general
\nrevolt of the European peoples against their existing institutions and the
\npresent blind and rudderless leadership.<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n


\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>There was
\nto be expected, then some attempt to provide a settled and effective means for
\nthe regulation and minimising of war for the limitation of armaments for the
\nsatisfactory disposal of dangerous disputes and especially, though this
\npresents the greatest difficulty for meeting that conflict of commercial aims
\nand interests which is now the really effective although by no means the only
\nfactor in the conditions that compel the recurrence of war. If this new
\narrangement contained in itself the seed of international control, if it turned
\nout to be a first step towards a loose international formation or perhaps
\ncontained its elements or initial lines or even a first scheme to which the
\nlife of humanity could turn for a mould of growth in its reaching out to a
\nunified existence then, however rudimentary or unsatisfactory this arrangement
\nmight be at first, the future would carry in it an assured promise. Once begun,
\nit will be impossible for mankind to draw back and whatever difficulties
\ndisappointments, struggles reactions, checks or brutal interruptions might mark
\nthe course of this development, they would be bound to help in the end rather
\nthan hinder the final and inevitable result.<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n


\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>Still, it
\nwould be vain to hope that the principle of inter- national control will be
\nthoroughly effective at first or that this loose formation, which is likely to
\nbe in the beginning half form, half nebula will prevent farther conflicts,
\nexplosions, catas-<\/font><\/p>\n

\n
\nPage-365<\/font><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n
\n

<\/span><\/div>\n

\ntrophes.1 <\/sup>The difficulties are too great. The
\nmind of the race has not as yet the necessary experience; the intellect of its
\nruling classes has not acquired the needed minimum of wisdom and foresight; the
\ntemperament of the peoples has not developed the indispensable instincts and
\nsentiments. Whatever arrangement is made will proceed on the old basis of
\nnational egoisms, hungers, cupidities, self-assertions and will simply
\nendeavour to regulate them just enough to prevent too disastrous collisions.
\nThe first means tried will necessarily be insufficient because too much respect
\nwill be paid to those very egoisms which it is sought to control. The causes of
\nstrife will remain; the temper that engenders it will live on, perhaps
\nexhausted and subdued for a time in certain of its activities, but unexorcised;
\nthe means of strife may be controlled but will be allowed to remain. Armaments
\nmay be restricted, but will not be abolished; national armies may be limited in
\nnumbers – an illusory limitation \u2013 but they will be maintained; science will
\nstill continue to minister ingeniously to the art of collective massacre. War
\ncan only be abolished if national armies are abolished and even then with
\ndifficulty, by the development of some other machinery which humanity does not
\nyet know how to form or, even if formed, will not for some time be able or
\nwilling perfectly to utilise. And there is no chance of national armies being
\nabolished; for each nation distrusts all the others too much, has too many
\nambitions and hungers, needs to remain armed, if for no- thing else, to guard
\nits markets and keep down its dominions, colonies, subject peoples. Commercial
\nambitions and rivalries, political pride, dreams, longings, jealousies are not
\ngoing to disappear as if by the touch of a magic wand merely because Europe has
\nin an insane clash of long-ripening ambitions, jealousies and hatreds decimated
\nits manhood and flung in three years the resources of decades into the
\nmelting-pot of war. The awakening must go much deeper, lay hold upon much purer
\nroots of action before the psychology of nations will be transmuted into that
\nsomething "wondrous, rich and strange"<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\n1 <\/font><\/sup>This prediction, easy enough to make at
\nthat time, and the estimate of its causes have been fully justified by the
\ncourse of events and the outbreak..of a still greater, more disastrous war<\/font><\/span>.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nPage-366<\/font><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n
\n

<\/span><\/div>\n

\nwhich will eliminate war and international collisions
\nfrom our distressed and stumbling human life.<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n


\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>National
\negoism remaining, the means of strife remaining, its causes, opportunities,
\nexcuses will never be wanting. The present war came because all the leading
\nnations had long been so acting as to make it inevitable; it came because there
\nwas a Balkan imbroglio and a Near-Eastern hope and commercial and colonial
\nrivalries in Northern Africa over which the dominant nations had been battling
\nin peace long before one or more of them grasped at the rifle and the shell.
\nSarajevo and Belgium were mere determining circumstances; to get to the root
\ncauses we have to go back as far at least as Agadir and Algeciras. From Morocco
\nto Tripoli, from Tripoli to Thrace and Macedonia, from Macedonia to Herzegovina
\nthe electric chain ran with that inevitable logic of causes and results,
\nactions and their fruits which we call Karma, creating minor detonations on its
\nway till it found the inflammable point and created that vast explosion which
\nhas filled Europe with blood and ruins. Possibly the Balkan question may be
\ndefinitively settled, though that is far from certain; possibly the definitive
\nexpulsion of Germany from Africa may ease the situation by leaving that
\ncontinent in the possession of three or four nations who are for the present
\nallies. But even if Germany were expunged from the map and its resentments and
\nambitions deleted as a European factor, the root causes of strife would remain.
\nThere will still be an Asiatic question of the Near and the Far East which may
\ntake on new conditions and appearances and regroup its constituent elements,
\nbut must remain so fraught with danger that if it is stupidly settled or does
\nnot settle itself, it would be fairly safe to predict the next great human
\ncollision with Asia as either its first field or its origin. Even if that
\ndifficulty is settled, new causes of strife must necessarily develop where the
\nspirit of national egoism and cupidity seeks for satisfaction; and so long as
\nit lives, satisfaction it must seek and repletion can never permanently satisfy
\nit. The tree must bear its own proper fruit, and Nature is always a diligent
\ngardener.
\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>The limitation of armies and
\narmaments is an illusory remedy. Even if there could be found an effective
\ninternational<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\nPage-367<\/font><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n
\n

<\/span><\/div>\n

\nmeans of control, it would cease to operate as soon as
\nthe clash of war actually came. The European conflict has shown that, in the
\ncourse of war, a country can be turned into a huge factory of arms and a nation
\nconvert its whole peaceful manhood into an army. England which started with a
\nsmall and even insignificant armed force, was able in the course of a single
\nyear to raise mil- lions of men and in two to train and equip them and throw
\nthem effectively into the balance. This object lesson is sufficient to show
\nthat the limitation of armies and armaments can only lighten the national
\nburden in peace, leaving it by that very fact more resources for the conflict,
\nbut cannot prevent or even minimise the disastrous intensity and extension of
\nwar. Nor will the construction of a stronger international law with a more
\neffective sanction behind it be an indubitable or perfect remedy. It is often
\nasserted that this is what is needed; just as in the nation Law has replaced
\nand suppressed the old barbaric method of settling disputes between
\nindividuals, families or clans by the arbitration of Might, a similar
\ndevelopment ought to be possible in the life of nations. Perhaps in the end;
\nbut to expect it to operate successfully at once is to ignore both the real
\nbasis of the effective authority of Law and the difference between the
\nconstituents of a developed nation and the constituents of that ill- developed
\ninternational comity which it is proposed to initiate.<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n


\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>The
\nauthority of Law in a nation or community does not really depend on any
\nso-called "majesty" or mystic power in man-made rules and enactments.
\nIts real sources of power are two, first, the strong interest of the majority
\nor of a dominant minority or of the community as a whole in maintaining it and,
\nsecondly, the possession of a sole armed force, police and military, which
\nmakes that interest effective. The metaphorical sword of justice can only act
\nbecause there is a real sword behind it to enforce its decrees and its
\npenalties against the rebel and the dissident. And the essential character of
\nthis armed force is that it belongs to nobody, to no individual or constituent
\ngroup of the community except alone to the State, the king or the governing
\nclass or body in which sovereign authority is centred. Nor can there be any
\nsecurity if the armed force of the State is balanced or its sole effectivity
\ndiminished by the existence of other<\/font><\/p>\n

\nPage-368<\/font><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n
\n

<\/span><\/div>\n

\narmed forces belonging to groups and individuals and
\nfree in any degree from the central control or able to use their power against
\nthe governing authority. Even so, even with this authority backed by a sole and
\ncentralised armed force, Law has not been able to prevent strife of a kind
\nbetween individuals and classes because it has not been able to remove the
\npsychological, economic and other causes of strife. Crime with its penalties is
\nalways a kind of mutual violence, a kind of revolt and civil strife and even in
\nthe best-policed and most law-abiding communities crime is still rampant. Even
\nthe organisation of crime is possible although it cannot usually endure or fix
\nits power, be- cause it has the whole vehement sentiment and effective
\norganisation of the community against it. But what is more to the purpose, Law
\nhas not been able to prevent, although it has minimised, the possibility of
\ncivil strife and violent or armed discord within the organised nation. Whenever
\na class or an opinion has thought itself oppressed or treated with intolerable
\ninjustice, has found the Law and its armed force so entirely associated with an
\nopposite interest that the suspension of the principle of law and an insurgence
\nof the violence of revolt against the violence of oppression were or appeared
\nthe only remedy, it has, if it thought it had a chance of success, appealed to
\nthe ancient arbitration of Might. Even in our own days we have seen the most
\nlaw-abiding of nations staggering on the verge of a disastrous civil war and
\nresponsible statesmen declaring their readiness to appeal to it if a measure disagreeable
\nto them were enforced, even though it was passed by the supreme legislative
\nauthority with the sanction of the sovereign.<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n


\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>But in any
\nloose international formation presently possible the armed force would still be
\ndivided among its constituent groups; it would belong to them, not to any
\nsovereign authority, super-State or federal council. The position would
\nresemble the chaotic organisation of the feudal ages in which every prince and
\nbaron had his separate jurisdiction and military resources and could defy the
\nauthority of the sovereign if he were powerful enough or if he could command
\nthe necessary number and strength of allies among his peers. And in this case,
\nthere would not be even the equivalent of a feudal sovereign – a king who,<\/font><\/p>\n

\nPage-369<\/font><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n
\n

<\/span><\/div>\n

\nif nothing else, if not really a monarch, was at least
\nthe first among his peers –<\/span> with
\nthe prestige of sovereignty and some means of developing it into a strong and
\npermanent actuality.<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n


\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>Nor would
\nthe matter be much improved if there were a composite armed force of control
\nset over the nations and their separate military strength; for this composite
\nwould break apart and its elements return to their conflicting sources on the
\nout- break of overt strife. In the developed nation the individual is the unit
\nand he is lost among the mass of individuals, unable safely to calculate the
\nforce he could command in a conflict, afraid of all other individuals not bound
\nto him, because he sees in them natural supporters of outraged authority;
\nrevolt is to him a most dangerous and incalculable business, even the initial
\nconspiracy fraught at every moment with a thousand terrors and dangers that
\nlower in terrible massed array against a small modicum of scattered chances.
\nThe soldier also is a solitary individual, afraid of all the rest, a terrible
\npunishment suspended over him and ready to fall at the least sign of
\ninsubordination, never sure of a confident support among his fellows or, even
\nif a little certain, not assured of any effective support from the civil
\npopulation and therefore deprived of that moral force which would encourage him
\nto defy the authority of Law and Government. And in his ordinary sentiment he
\nbelongs no longer to individual or family or class, but to the State and the
\ncountry or at the very least to the machine of which he ‘is a part. But here
\nthe constituents would be a small number of nations, some of them powerful
\nempires, well able to look around them, measure their own force, make sure of
\ntheir allies, calculate the force against them; the chances of success or
\nfailure would be all that they would have to consider. And the soldiers of the
\ncomposite army would belong at heart to their country and not at all to the
\nnebulous entity which controlled them.<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n


\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>Therefore,
\npending the actual evolution of an international State so constituted as to be
\nsomething other than a mere loose conglomerate of nations or rather a palaver
\nof the deputies of national governments, the reign of peace and unity dreamed
\nof by the idealist could never be possible by these political or administrative
\nmeans or, if possible, could never be secure. Even<\/font><\/p>\n

\nPage-370<\/font><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n
\n

<\/span><\/div>\n

\nif actual war were eliminated, still as in the nation
\ncrime between individuals exists, or as other means such as disastrous general
\nstrikes are used in the war of classes, so here too other means of strife would
\nbe developed, much more disastrous perhaps than war. And even they would be
\nneeded and inevitable in the economy of Nature, not only to meet the
\npsychological necessity of egoistic discord and passion and ambition, but as an
\noutlet and an arm for the sense of injustice, of oppressed rights, of thwarted
\npossibilities. The law is always the same, that wherever egoism is the root of
\naction it must bear its own proper results and reactions and, however minimised
\nand kept down they may be by an external machinery, their eventual outburst is
\nsure and can be delayed but not prevented for ever.
\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>It is apparent at least that no
\nloose formation without a powerful central control could be satisfactory,
\neffective or enduring, even if it were much less loose, much more compact than
\nanything that seems at present likely to evolve in the near future. There must
\nbe in the nature of things a second step, a movement towards greater rigidity,
\nconstriction of national liberties and the erection of a unique central
\nauthority with a uniform control over the earth’s peoples.<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\nPage-371<\/font><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

CHAPTER XIV The Possibility of a First Step towards International Unity- Its Enormous Difficulties   \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0THE study of the growth of the nation-unit under the…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[25],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1140","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-15-social-and-political-thought-volume-15","wpcat-25-id"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1140","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1140"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1140\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1140"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1140"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1140"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}