{"id":1181,"date":"2013-07-13T01:33:07","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:33:07","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=1181"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:33:07","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:33:07","slug":"42-the-problem-of-uniformity-and-liberty-vol-15-social-and-political-thought-volume-15","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/01-sabcl\/15-social-and-political-thought-volume-15\/42-the-problem-of-uniformity-and-liberty-vol-15-social-and-political-thought-volume-15","title":{"rendered":"-42_The Problem of Uniformity and Liberty.htm"},"content":{"rendered":"\n\n
\n
\n


\nCHAPTER <\/font><\/b>
\nXVI<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nThe Problem of Uniformity and Liberty<\/font><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0          
\n<\/font> <\/span>THE
\nquestion with which we started has reached some kind of answer. After sounding
\nas thoroughly as our lights permit the possibility of a political and
\nadministrative unification of mankind by political and economic motives and
\nthrough purely political and administrative means, it has been concluded that it
\nis not only possible, but that the thoughts and tendencies 9f mankind and the
\nresult of current events and existing forces and necessities have turned
\ndecisively in this direction. This is one of the dominant drifts which the
\nWorld-Nature has thrown up in the flow of human development and it is the
\nlogical consequence of the past history of mankind and of our present
\ncircumstances. At the same time nothing justifies us in predicting its painless
\nor rapid development or even its sure and eventual success. We have seen some of
\nthe difficulties in the way; we have seen also what are the lines on which it
\nmay prac<\/font>tically
\nproceed to the overcoming of those difficulties. We<\/font><\/span> have <\/font> <\/span>
\nconcluded that the one line it is not likely to take
\nis the ideal, that which justice and the highest expediency and the best thought
\nof mankind demand, that which would ensure it the greatest possibility of an
\nenduring success. It is not likely to take perfectly, until a probably much
\nlater period of our collective evolution, the form of a federation of free and
\nequal nations or adopt as its motive a perfect harmony between the contending
\nprinciples of nationalism and internationalism.<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n


\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>And now we
\nhave to consider the second aspect of the problem, its effect on the springs of
\nhuman life and progress. The political and administrative unification of
\nmankind is not only possible but foreshadowed by our present evolution; the
\ncollective national egoism which resists it may be overborne by an increasing
\nflood of the present unifying tendency to which the anguish of the European war
\ngave for a time a body and an arti-<\/font><\/p>\n

\nPage-382<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\n<\/div>\n

\nculate
\nvoice. But the question remains whether, not in its first <\/font>
\nloose formation, but as it
\ndevelops and becomes more .complete and even vigorous, a strictly unified order
\nwill not necessarily involve a considerable overriding of the liberties of
\nmankind, individual and collective, and an oppressive mechanism by which the
\nfree development of the soul-life of humanity will be for some <\/font> <\/span>
\ntime at least seriously hindered or restricted or in
\ndanger of an <\/font>t,<\/font><\/span> <\/font> <\/span>excessive repression. We have seen that a period of
\nloose formation is in such developments usually followed by a period of
\nrestriction and constriction in which a more rigid unification will
\nbe attempted so that firm moulds may be given to the new unity. And this has
\nmeant in past unifications and is likely to mean <\/font>
\nhere <\/font> <\/span>
\nalso a suppression of that principle of liberty in
\nhuman <\/font> <\/span>life which is the most precious
\ngain of humanity’s past spiritual, political and social struggles. The circle
\nof progression is likely to work itself out again on this new line of advance.<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>Such a development would be not only
\nprobable, but inevitable if the unification of mankind proceeded in accordance
\nwith the Germanic gospel of the increasing domination of the world by the one
\nfit empire, nation, race. It would be equally inevitable if the means employed
\nby Destiny were the domination of humanity by two or three great imperial
\nnations; or if the effectuating force were a closely organised united Europe
\nwhich would, developing the scheme of a certain kind of political thinkers,
\ntake in hand the rest of the world and hold the darker- coloured races of
\nmankind in tutelage for an indefinite period. The ostensible object and
\njustification of such a tutelage would be to civilise, that is to say, to
\nEuropeanise the less developed races. Practically, we know that it would mean
\ntheir exploitation, since in the course of human nature the benevolent but
\nforceful guardian would feel himself justified in making the best profit out of
\nhis advantageous situation, always of course in the interest at once of his own
\ndevelopment and that of the world in general. The regime would rest upon
\nsuperior force for its maintenance and oppose itself to the velleities of
\nfreedom in the governed on the ground either that they were unfit or that the
\naspiration was immature, two arguments that may well remain valid for ever,
\nsince they can never be refuted<\/font> <\/font> <\/span>to the<\/font><\/p>\n

\nPage-383<\/font><\/p>\n

\n
\n<\/div>\n

satisfaction of those who advance them. At first this
\nregime might be so worked as to preserve the principle of individual liberty
\nfor the governing races while enforcing a beneficial subjection upon the ruled;
\nbut that could not endure. The experience of the past teaches us that the habit
\nof preferring the principle of authority to the principle of liberty is
\nengendered in an imperial people, reacts upon it at home and leads it first
\ninsensibly and then by change of thought and the development of a fate in
\ncircumstances to the sacrifice of its own inner freedom. There could be only
\ntwo outlets to such a situation, either the growth of the principle of liberty
\namong the peoples still subject or, let us say, administered by others for
\ntheir own benefit, or else its general decline in the world. Either the higher
\nstate must envelop from above or the lower from below; they cannot subsist
\nperpetually together in the same human economy. But nine times out of ten, in
\nthe absence of circumstances ending the connection, it is the unhappier
\npossibility that conquers.1<\/sup>
\n<\/font>
\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>
\nAll these means of
\nunification would proceed practically by the use of force and compulsion and
\nany deliberately planned, prolonged and extended use of\u00a0 <\/span>estrictive means tends to discourage the
\nrespect for the principle of liberty in those who apply the compulsion as well
\nas the fact of liberty in those to whom it is applied. It favours the growth of
\nthe opposite principle of dominating authority whose whole tendency is to
\nintroduce rigidity, uniformity, a mechanised and therefore eventually an unprogressive system of life. This is a psychological relation of cause and
\neffect whose working cannot be avoided except by taking care to found all use
\nof authority on the widest possible basis of free consent. But by their very
\nnature and origin the regimes of unification thus introduced would be debarred
\nfrom the free employment of this corrective; for they would have to proceed by
\ncompulsion of what might be very largely a reluctant material and the imposing
\nof their will for the elimination of all resisting forces and tendencies. They
\nwould be compelled<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n


\n1 <\/font> <\/font><\/sup>These considerations have now become irrelevant to the actual condition
\nof things. Asia is now for the most part free or in the process of liberation,
\nthe idea of a dominant West or a dominant Europe has no longer any force and
\nhas indeed receded out of men’s minds and practically out of existence<\/font><\/span>.<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\nPage-384<\/font><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n
\n

<\/span><\/div>\n

to repress, diminish, perhaps even abolish all forms of
\nliberty which their experience found to
\nbe used for fostering the spirit <\/span>of revolt or of resistance; that is to
\nsay, all those larger liberties of free action and free self-expression which
\nmake up the best, the most vigorous, the most stimulating part of human
\nfreedom. They would be obliged to abolish, first by violence and then by ,legal
\nsuppression and repression, all the elements of what we now call national
\nfreedom; in the process individual liberty would be destroyed both in the parts
\nof humanity coerced and, by inevitable reaction and contagion, in the imperial
\nnation or nations. Relapse in this direction is always easy, because the
\nassertion of his human dignity and freedom is a virtue man has only acquired by
\nlong evolution and painful endeavour; to respect the freedom of others he is
\nstill less naturally prone, though without it his own liberty can never be really
\nsecure; but to oppress and dominate where he can – often, be it noted, with
\nexcellent motives –<\/span> and otherwise <\/span>to be half dupe and half
\nserf of those who can dominate, are his inborn animal propensities. Therefore
\nin fact all unnecessary restriction of the few common liberties man has been
\nable to organise for himself becomes a step backward, whatever immediate gain
\nit may bring; and every organisation of oppression or repression beyond what
\nthe imperfect conditions of human nature and society render inevitable,
\nbecomes, no matter where or by whom it is practised a blow to the progress of
\nthe whole race.
\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>If, on the other hand, the formal
\nunification of the race is effectuated by a combination of free nations and
\nempires and if these empires strive to become psychological realities and
\nthere- fore free organisms, or if by that time the race has advanced so far
\nthat the principle of free national or cultural grouping within a unified
\nmankind can be adopted, then the danger of retrogression will be greatly
\ndiminished. Still, it will exist. For, as we have seen, the principle of order,
\nof uniformity is the natural tendency of a period of unification. The principle
\nof liberty offers a natural obstacle to the growth of uniformity and, although
\nperfectly reconcilable with a true order and easily co- existent with an order
\nalready established into which it has<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\nPage-385<\/font><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n
\n

<\/span><\/div>\n

been fitted, is not so easily reconciled as a matter of
\npractice with a new order which demands from it new sacrifices for which it is
\nnot yet psychologically prepared. This in itself need not matter, for all
\nmovement forward implies a certain amount of friction and difficulty of
\nadjustment; and if in the process liberty suffered a few shocks on one side,
\nand order a few shocks" on the other, they would still shake down easily
\nenough into a new adjustment after a certain amount of experience.
\nUnfortunately, it is the nature of every self-asserting tendency or principle
\nin the hour of its growth, when it finds circumstances favourable, to over-assert
\nitself and exaggerate its claim, to carry its impulses to a one-sided fruition,
\nto affirm its despotic rule and to depress and even to trample upon other
\ntendencies and principles and especially on those which it instinctively feels
\nto be the farthest removed from its own nature. And if it finds a resistance in
\nthese opposite powers, then its impulse of self-assertion becomes angry,
\nviolent, tyrannical; instead of the friction of adjustment we have an inimical
\nstruggle stumbling through violent vicissitudes, action and reaction, evolution
\nand revolution till one side or the other prevails in the conflict.<\/font>\u00a0<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n


\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>This is what
\nhas happened in the past development of mankind; the struggle of order and
\nuniformity against liberty has been the dominant fact of all great human
\nformations and developments – religious, social, political. There is as yet no
\napparent ground for predicting a more reasonable principle of development in
\nthe near future. Man seems indeed to be becoming more generally a reasoning
\nanimal than in any known past period of his history, but he has not by that
\nbecome, except <\/span>in one or two
\ndirections, much more of a reasonable mind and a harmonious spirit; for he
\nstill uses his reason much more commonly to justify strife and mutual
\ncontradiction than to arrive at a wise agreement. And always his mind and
\nreason are very much at the mercy of his vital desires and passions. Therefore
\nwe must suppose that even under the best circum- stances the old method of
\ndevelopment will assert itself and the old struggle be renewed in the attempt
\nat human unification. The principle of authority and order will attempt a
\nmechanical organisation; the principle of liberty will resist and claim<\/font><\/p>\n

\nPage-386<\/font><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n
\n

<\/span><\/div>\n

a more flexible, free
\nand spacious system. The two ancient <\/span>enemies will struggle for the
\ncontrol of the human unity as they did in the past for the control of the
\ngrowing form of the nation. In the process, the circumstances being favourable
\nto the narrower power, both national and individual liberty are likely to go to
\nthe wall – happy if they are not set against it before a firing platoon of laws
\nand restrictions to receive a military quietus.<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n


\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>This might not
\nhappen if within the nations themselves the spirit of individual liberty still flourished in its old vigour; <\/span>for
\nthat would then demand, both from an
\ninnate sympathy and <\/span>for its own sake, respect for the liberties of all
\nthe constituent nations. But, as far as all present appearances go to show, we
\nare entering into a period in which the ideal of individual liberty is destined
\nto an entire eclipse under the shadow of the State idea, if not to a sort of
\ntemporary death or at least of long stupor, coma and hibernation. The
\nconstriction and mechanisation of the unifying process is likely to coincide
\nwith a simultaneous process of constriction and mechanisation within each
\nconstituting unit. Where then in this double process will the spirit of liberty
\nfind its safeguard or its alimentation? The old practical formulations of
\nfreedom would disappear in the double process and the only hope of healthy
\nprogress would lie in a new formulation of liberty produced by a new powerful
\nmovement spiritual or intellectual of the human mind which will reconcile
\nindividual liberty with the collective ideal of a communal life and the liberty
\nof the group-unit with the new-born necessity of a more united life for the
\nhuman race.<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n


\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>Meanwhile, we
\nhave to consider how far it is either likely or possible to carry the principle
\nof unification in those more outward and mechanical aspects which the external,
\nthat is to say, political and administrative method is prone to favour, and how
\nfar they will in their more extreme formulations favour or retard the true
\nprogress of the race to its perfection. We have to consider how far the principle
\nof nationality itself is likely to be affected, whether there is any chance of
\nits entire dissolution or, if it is preserved, what place the subordinated
\nnation- unit will take in the new united life. This involves the question<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/font>Page-387<\/font><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n
\n

<\/span><\/div>\n


\nof control, the
\nidea of the "Parliament of Man" and<\/font><\/span> other ideas of political
\norganisation as applied to this new portentous problem in the science of
\ncollective living. Thirdly, there is the question of uniformity and how far
\nuniformity is either healthful to the race or necessary to unity. It is evident
\nthat we enter here upon problems which we shall have to treat in a much more
\nabstract fashion and with much less sense of actuality than those we have till
\nnow been handling. For all this is in the dark future, and all the light we can
\nhave is from past experience and the general principles of life and nature and
\nsocio- logy; the present gives us only a dim light on the solution which
\nplunges a little further on in Time into a shadowy darkness full of
\nincalculable possibilities. We can foresee nothing; we can only speculate and
\nlay down principles.<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n


\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>We see that
\nthere are always two extreme possibilities with a number of more or less
\nprobable compromises. The nation is at present the firm group-unit of the human
\naggregation to which all other units tend to subordinate themselves; even the
\nimperial has hitherto been only a development of the national and empires have
\nexisted in recent times, not consciously for the sake of a wider aggregation as
\ndid the imperial Roman world, but to serve the instinct of domination and
\nexpansion, the land hunger, money hunger, commodity hunger, the vital,
\nintellectual, cultural aggressiveness of powerful and prosperous nations. This,
\nhowever, does not secure the nation-unit from eventual dissolution in a larger
\nprinciple of aggregation. Group- units there must always be in any human unity,
\neven the most entire, intolerant and uniform, for that is the very principle
\nnot only of human nature, but of life and of every aggregation; we strike here
\non a fundamental law of universal existence, on the fundamental mathematics and
\nphysics of creation. But it does not follow that the nation need persist as the
\ngroup-unit. It may disappear altogether; even now the rejection of the nation-
\nidea has begun, the opposite idea of the sans-patrie, <\/i>the citizen of the
\nworld, has been born and was a growing force before the war; and though
\ntemporarily overborne, silenced and discouraged, it is by no means slain, but
\nis likely to revive with an increased violence hereafter. On the other hand,
\nthe nation-<\/font><\/p>\n

\nPage-388<\/font><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n
\n

<\/span><\/div>\n

idea may persist in full vitality or may assert in the
\nevent- after whatever struggle and apparent decline – its life, its freedom,
\nits vigorous particularism within the larger unity. Finally, it may persist,
\nbut with a reduced and subjected vitality, or even without real vitality or any
\nliving spirit of particularism or separatism, as a convenience, an
\nadministrative rather than a psychological fact like a French department or an
\nEnglish county. But still -it may preserve just sufficient mechanical
\ndistinctness to form a starting-point for that subsequent dissolution of human
\nunity which will come about inevitably if the unification is more mechanical
\nthan real, –<\/span> if, that is to say,
\nit continues to be governed by the political and administrative motive,
\nsupported by the experience of economic and social or merely cultural ease,
\nconvenience and fails to serve as a material basis for the spiritual oneness of
\nmankind.<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n


\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>So also with
\nthe ideal of uniformity; for with many minds, especially those of a rigid,
\nmechanical cast, those in which logic and intellectuality are stronger than the
\nimagination and the free vital instinct or those which are easily seduced by
\nthe beauty of an idea and prone to forget its limitations, uniformity is an ideal, even sometimes the highest ideal
\nof which they can <\/span>think. The uniformity of mankind is not an impossible
\neventuality, even though impracticable in the present circumstances and in
\ncertain directions hardly conceivable except in a far distant future. For
\ncertainly there is or has been an immense drive
\ntowards uniformity of life habits, uniformity of knowledge, <\/span>uniformity
\npolitical, social, economical, educational, and all this, if followed out to
\nits final conclusion, will lead naturally to a uniformity of culture. If that
\nwere realised, the one barrier left against a dead level of complete uniformity
\nwould be the difference of language; for language creates and determines
\nthought even while it is created and determined by it, and so long as there is
\ndifference of language there will always be a certain amount of free variation
\nof thought, of knowledge and of culture. But it is easily conceivable that the
\ngeneral uniformity of culture and intimate association of life will give
\nirresistible force to the need already felt of a universal language, and a
\nuniversal language once created or once adopted may end by<\/font><\/p>\n

\nPage-389<\/font><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n
\n

<\/span><\/div>\n

killing out the regional languages as Latin killed out the
\nlanguages of Gaul, Spain and Italy or as English has killed but Cornish,
\nGaelic, Erse and has been encroaching on the Welsh tongue. On the other hand,
\nthere is a revival nowadays, due to the growing subjectivism of the human mind,
\nof the principle of free variation and refusal of uniformity. If this tendency
\ntriumphs, the unification of the race will have so to organise itself as to
\nrespect the free culture, thought, life of its constituent units. But there is
\nalso the third possibility of a dominant uniformity which will allow or even
\nencourage such minor variations as do not threaten the foundations of its rule.
\nAnd here again the variations may be within their limits vital, forceful, to a
\ncertain extent particularist though not separatist, or they may be quite minor
\ntones and shades, yet sufficient to form a starting-point for the dissolution
\nof uniformity into a new cycle of various progress.<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n


\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>So again with
\nthe governing organisation of the human race. It may be a rigid regimentation
\nunder a central authority such as certain socialistic schemes envisage for the
\nnation, a regime suppressing all individual and regional liberty in the
\ninterests of a close and uniform organisation of human training, economic life,
\nsocial habits, morals, knowledge, religion even, every department of human activity.
\nSuch a development may seem impossible, as it would be indeed impracticable in
\nthe near future, because of the immense masses it would have to embrace, the
\ndifficulties it would have to surmount, the many problems that would have to be
\nsolved before it could become possible. But this idea of impossibility leaves
\nout of consideration two important factors, the growth of Science with its
\nincreasingly easy manipulation of huge masses – witness the <\/span>present war – and of large-scale problems and the
\nrapid march of Socialism.1<\/sup> () Supposing the
\ntriumph of the socialistic idea or of its practice in whatever disguise, – in
\nall the continents,- it might naturally lead to an international socialisation
\nwhich would be rendered possible by the growth of science and scientific<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n


\n1  <\/font><\/sup>Even such apparent reactions as the now-defeated Fascist regime in
\nItaly merely pre- pare or embody new possibilities of the principle of State
\ncontrol and direction which is the essence of Socialism<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\nPage-390<\/font><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n
\n

<\/span><\/div>\n

 organisation and by the annihilation of space
\ndifficulties and numerical difficulties. On the other hand, it is possible that
\nafter a cycle of violent struggle between the ideal of regimentation and the
\nideal of liberty the socialistic period of mankind might prove comparatively of
\nbrief duration like that of monarchical absolutism in Europe and might be
\nfollowed by another more inspired by the principles of philosophic Anarchism,
\nthat is to say, of unity based upon the completest individual freedom and
\nfreedom also of natural unforced grouping.
\nA compromise might also <\/span>be reached, a dominant regimentation with a
\nsubordinate freedom more or less vital, but even if less vital, yet a starting-
\npoint for the dissolution of the regime when humanity begins to feel that
\nregimentation is not its ultimate destiny and that a fresh cycle of search and
\nexperiment has become again indispensable to its future.<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n


\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>It is
\nimpossible here to consider these large questions with any thoroughness. To
\nthrow out certain ideas which may guide us in our approach to the problem of
\nunification is all that we can attempt. The problem is vast and obscure and
\neven a ray of light upon it here and there may help to diminish its difficulty
\nand darkness.<\/font><\/p>\n

\nPage-391<\/font><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

CHAPTER XVI The Problem of Uniformity and Liberty   \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0           THE question with which we started has reached some kind of answer. After sounding as…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[25],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1181","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-15-social-and-political-thought-volume-15","wpcat-25-id"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1181","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1181"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1181\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1181"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1181"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1181"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}