{"id":1191,"date":"2013-07-13T01:33:10","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:33:10","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=1191"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:33:10","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:33:10","slug":"36-the-united-states-of-europe-vol-15-social-and-political-thought-volume-15","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/01-sabcl\/15-social-and-political-thought-volume-15\/36-the-united-states-of-europe-vol-15-social-and-political-thought-volume-15","title":{"rendered":"-36_ The United States of Europe.htm"},"content":{"rendered":"\n\n
\n
\n


\nCHAPTER <\/font><\/b>
\nX<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nThe United States of Europe<\/span><\/font><\/b><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0            
\n<\/font> <\/span>WE HAVE had to dwell so long upon the possibilities of the
\nEmpire-group because the evolution of the imperial State is a dominating
\nphenomenon of the modern world; it governs the political tendencies of the later
\npart of the nine<\/font>teenth and earlier part of the twentieth century very much as
\n<\/font> <\/span>the evolution of the free democratised nation governed
\nthe age which preceded ours. The dominant idea of the French Revolution was the
\nformula of the free and sovereign people and, in spite of the cosmopolitan
\nelement introduced into the revolutionary formula by the ideal of fraternity,
\nthis idea became in fact the assertion of the free, independent, democratically
\nself- governed nation. That ideal had not at the time of the Great War wholly
\nworked itself out even in the occidental world; for central Europe was only
\npartly democratised and Russia had only just begun to turn its face towards the
\ncommon goal; and even now there are still subject European peoples or fragments
\nof peoples.1<\/sup> Nevertheless, with whatever imperfections, the idea
\nof the free democratic nation had practically triumphed in all America and
\nEurope. The peoples of Asia have equally accepted this governing ideal of the
\nnineteenth century, and though the movements of democratic nationalism in the
\neastern countries, Turkey, Persia, India, China, were not fortunate in their
\nfirst attempts at self-realisation, the profound and widespread working of the
\nidea cannot be doubted by any careful observer. Whatever modifications may
\narrive, whatever new tendencies intervene, whatever reactions oppose, it could
\nhardly then be doubted that the principal gifts of the French Revolution must
\nremain and be universalised as permanent acquisitions, indispensable elements
\nin the future order of the world,<\/font>
\n<\/font> <\/span>–<\/font><\/span>
\n<\/font> <\/span>national<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\n1  <\/sup>No
\nlonger an evident fact, although the substitution of a state of vassalage may
\nstilI be there<\/font><\/span>.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\nPage-324<\/font><\/p>\n

\n
\n<\/div>\n

\nself-consciousness<\/font><\/span>
\n<\/font> <\/span>and
\nself-government, freedom and enlighten<\/font>ment for the people and so much social equality and
\njustice at least as is indispensable to political liberty; for with any form of
\nfixed and rigid inequality democratic self-government is incompatible.<\/font> <\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>But before the great nineteenth century
\nimpulse could work itself out everywhere, before even it could realise itself
\nentirely in Europe, a new tendency has intervened and a new idea seized on the
\nprogressive mind of humanity. This is the ideal of the perfectly organised
\nState. Fundamentally, the ideal of the perfectly organised State is socialistic
\nand it is based on the second word of the great revolutionary formula,
\nequality, just as the movement of the nineteenth century centered round the
\nfirst, liberty. The first impulse given by the great European upheaval attained
\nonly to a certain kind of political equality. An incomplete social levelling
\nstill left untouched the one inequality and the one form of political
\npreponderance which no competitive society can eliminate, the preponderance of
\nthe haves over the have-nots, the inequality between the more successful in the
\nstruggle of life and the less successful which is rendered inevitable by
\ndifference of capacity, unequal opportunity and the handicap of circumstance
\nand environment. Socialism seeks to get rid of this persistent inequality by
\ndestroying the competitive form of society and substituting the co-operative. A
\nco-operative form of human society existed formerly in the shape of the
\ncommune; but the restoration of the commune as a unit would imply practically
\nthe return to the old city-state, and as this is not now possible with the
\nlarger groupings and greater complexities of modern life, the socialistic idea
\ncould only be realised through the rigorously organised national State. To eliminate
\npoverty, not by the crude idea of equal distribution but by the holding of all
\nproperty in common and its’ management through the organised State, to equalise
\nopportunity and capacity as far as possible through universal education and
\ntraining, again by means of the organised State, is the fundamental idea of
\nmodern Social- ism. It implies an abrogation or at least a rigorous diminution
\nof all individual liberty. Democratic Socialism still clings indeed to the
\nnineteenth-century ideal of political freedom; it insists on<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/font>Page-325<\/font><\/p>\n

\n
\n<\/div>\n

the equal right of all in the State to choose, judge, and
\nchange their own governors, but all other liberty it is ready to sacrifice to
\nits own central idea.<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>The progress of the Socialistic idea would
\nseem therefore to lead towards the evolution of a perfectly organised national
\nState which would provide for and control the education and training, manage
\nand govern all the economic activities and for that purpose as well as for the
\nassurance of perfect efficiency, morality, well-being and social justice, order
\nthe whole or at any rate the greater part of the external and internal life of
\nits component individuals. It would effect, in fact, by organised State control
\nwhat earlier societies attempted by social pressure, rigorous rule of custom,
\nminute code and Shastra. This was always an inherently inevitable development
\nof the revolutionary ideal. It started to the surface at first under pressure
\nof external danger in the Government of France by the Jacobins during the Reign
\nof Terror; it has been emerging and tending to realise itself under pressure of
\nan inner necessity throughout the later part of the nineteenth century; it has
\nemerged not completely but with a first rudimentary sketch of completeness by
\nthe combination of the inner and the outer necessity during the present War.
\nWhat was before only an ideal towards which some imperfect initial steps alone
\nwere immediately possible, has now become a realisable programme with its
\nentire feasibility established by a convincing, though necessarily hasty and
\nimperfect, practical demonstration. It is true that in order to realise it even
\npolitical liberty has had to be temporarily abolished; but this, it may be
\nargued, is only an accident of the moment, a concession to temporary necessity.
\nIn freer conditions what was done partly and for a time by governments which
\nthe people have consented to invest with an absolute and temporarily
\nirresponsible authority, may be done, when there is no pressure of war, wholly
\nand permanently by the self-governing democratic <\/font>
\nState.<\/font> <\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>In that case the near futl1re of the
\nhuman group would seem to be the nation, self-governing, politically free, but
\naiming at perfect social and economic organisation and ready for that purpose
\nto hand over all individual liberty to the control of the<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/font>Page-326<\/font><\/p>\n

\n
\n<\/div>\n

\norganised <\/font> <\/span>
\nnational State.1<\/sup> As France was in the end
\nof the <\/font><\/span>eighteenth and beginning of the
\nnineteenth century the great propagandist and the experimental workshop of
\npolitical liberty and equality, so Germany has been in the end of the nineteenth
\nand beginning of the twentieth century the chief propagandist and the
\nexperimental workshop of the idea of the organised State. There the theory of
\nSocialism has taken rise and there its pro<\/font>paganda
\n<\/font> <\/span>has been most effective, so that a large proportion
\nof <\/font> <\/span>the nation committed itself to the new
\ngospel; there also the great socialistic measures and those which have
\ndeveloped the control of the individual by the State for the common good and
\nefficiency of the nation have been most thoroughly and admirably conceived and
\nexecuted. It matters little that this was done by an anti-socialistic,
\nmilitarist and aristocratic government; the very fact is a proof of the
\nirresistible strength of the new tendency, and the inevitable transference of
\nthe administrative power from its past holders to the people was all that was
\n<\/font>needed to complete its
\ntriumph.<\/font> <\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>Throughout the recent decades we have
\nseen the growth of German ideas and the increasing tendency to follow the
\nGerman methods of State interference and State control in other countries, even
\nin England, the home of individualism. The defeat of Germany in the European
\nWar no more spelt the defeat of her ideals than the defeat of revolutionary and
\nNapoleonic France by the European coalition and even the temporary triumph of
\nthe monarchic and aristocratic system prevented the spread of her new ideas
\nover all Europe. Even if German militarism and Junkerism were destroyed, the
\ncollapse of the imperial form or government can only hasten the more thorough
\ndevelopment and victory of that which has been working behind them and forcing
\nthem to minister to it, the great modern tendency of the perfectly organised
\nsocialistic State, while the evident result of the War in the nations opposed
\nto her has been to force them more rapidly towards the same ideal.<\/font> <\/font>
\n <\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0
\n<\/font> <\/span>If this were all, the natural development of things
\naided by<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\n1 <\/sup>This was done
\nwith a stupendous beginning of thoroughness in Bolshevist Russia, Nazi Germany,
\nFascist Italy, and the necessity of the choice of it threatened at one time to
\nspread everywhere<\/font><\/span>.<\/font><\/p>\n

\n
\nPage-327<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\n<\/div>\n

the
\nfrustration of the German form of imperialism would lead logically to a new
\nordering of the world on the basis of a system of independent but increasingly
\norganised national States asso\u00adciated together more or less closely for
\ninternational purposes while preserving their independent existence. Such is the
\nideal which has attracted the human mind as a yet distant possibility since the
\ngreat revolutionary ferment set in; it is the idea of a federation of free
\nnations, the parliament of man, the federation of the world. But the actual
\ncircumstances forbid any hope of any such ideal consummation in the near future.
\nFor the national\u00adistic, democratic and socialistic ideas are not alone at work
\nin the world; imperialism is equally in the ascendant. Only a few European
\npeoples at the present moment are nations confined to themselves; each is a
\nnation free in itself but dominating over human groupings who are not free or
\nonly partially free. Even little Belgium has its Congo, little Portugal its
\ncolonies, little Holland its dependencies in the eastern Archipelago; even
\nlittle Balkan States have aspired to revive an "empire" and to rule over others
\nnot of their own nationality or have cherished the idea of becoming predominant
\nin the peninsula. Mazzini’s Italy has its imperialistic ventures and ambitions
\nin Tripoli, Abyssinia, Albania, the Greek islands. This imperialistic tendency
\nis likely to grow stronger for some time in the future rather than to weaken.
\nThe idea of a remodelling even of Europe itself on the strict principle of
\nnationality, which captivated liberal minds in England at the beginning of the
\nWar, has not yet been made practicable and, if it were effected, there would
\nstill remain the whole of Asia and Africa as a field for the imperialistic
\nambitions of the Western nations and Japan. The disinterestedness that led a
\nmajority in America to decree the liberation of the Philippines and restrained
\nthe desire to take advantage of the troubles of Mexico is not possible to the
\nmentality of the Old World, and it is doubtful how long it can stand even in
\nAmerica against the rising tide of imperialistic sentiment. National egoism, the
\npride of domination and the desire of expansion still govern the mind of
\nhumanity, however modified they may now be in their methods by the first weak
\nbeginnings of higher motives and a better national morality, and until this
\nspirit is radically changed,<\/font><\/p>\n

\n
\nPage-328<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

the
\nunion of the human race by a federation of free nations must remain a noble
\nchimera.
\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>Undoubtedly, a free association and
\nunity must be the ultimate goal of our development and until it is realised,
\nthe world must be subject to constant changes and revolutions. <\/font>
\nEvery<\/font><\/span> established
\norder, because it is imperfect, because it insists on
\narrangements which come to be recognised as involving injustice or which stand
\nin the way of new tendencies and forces, because it outlasts its utility and
\njustification, must end in malaise, <\/i>resistance and upheaval, must change
\nitself or be changed or else lead to cataclysms such as periodically trouble our
\nhuman advance. But the time has not come when the true principle of order can
\nreplace those which are artificial and imperfect. It is idle to hope for a
\nfederation of free nations until either the pre- sent inequalities between
\nnation and nation are removed or else the whole world rises to a common culture
\nbased upon a higher moral and spiritual status than is now actual or possible.
\nThe imperial instinct being alive and dominant and stronger at pre- sent than
\nthe principle of nationalism, the evolution of great empires can hardly fail to
\novershadow for a time at least the tendency to the development of free
\nnationalities. All that can be hoped is that the old artificial, merely
\npolitical empire may be replaced by a truer and more moral type, and that the
\nexisting empires, driven by the necessity of strengthening themselves and by an
\nenlightened self-interest, may come to see that the recognition of national
\nautonomy is a wise and necessary concession to the still vital instinct of
\nnationalism and can be used so as to strengthen instead of weakening their
\nimperial strength and unity. In this way, while a federation of free nations is
\nfor the present impossible, a system of federated empires and free nations
\ndrawn together in a closer association than the world has yet seen is not
\naltogether impossible; and through this and other steps some form of political
\nunity for mankind may at a m9re or less distant date be realisable.1<\/sup> <\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

1 <\/sup>The appearance of Hitler and
\nthe colossal attempt at German world-domination have paradoxically helped by
\nhis defeat, and the reaction against him entirely altered the world
\ncircumstances: the United States of Europe is now a practical possibility and
\nhas begun to feel towards self-accomplishment<\/font><\/span>.<\/font><\/p>\n

\n
\nPage-329<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\n<\/div>\n

The War brought up many suggestions for such a closer
\nassociation, but as a rule they were limited to a better ordering of the
\ninternational relations of Europe. One of these was the elimination of war by a
\nstricter international law administered by an international Court and supported
\nby the sanction of the nations which shall be enforced by all of them against
\nany offender. Such a solution is chimerical unless it is immediately followed
\nup by farther and far-reaching developments. For the law given by the Court
\nmust be enforced either by an alliance of some of the stronger Powers as, for
\ninstance, the coalition of the victorious allies dominating the rest of Europe,
\nor by a con- cert of all the European Powers or else by a United States of
\nEurope or some other form of European federation. A dominating alliance of
\ngreat Powers would be simply a repetition in principle of the system of
\nMetternich and would inevitable break down after some lapse of time, while a
\nConcert of Europe must mean, as experience has shown, the uneasy attempt of rival
\ngroupings to maintain a precarious understanding which may postpone but cannot
\neventually prevent fresh. struggles and collisions. In such imperfect systems
\nthe law would only be obeyed so long as it was expedient, so long only as the
\nPowers who desired new changes and readjustments not admitted by the others did
\nnot consider the moment opportune for resistance. The Law within a nation is
\nonly secure because there is a recognised authority empowered to determine it
\nand to make the necessary changes and possessed of a sufficient force to punish
\nall violation of its statutes. An international or an inter-European law must
\nhave the same advantages if it is to exercise anything more than a merely moral
\nforce which can be set at nought by those who are strong enough to defy it and
\nwho find an advantage in the violation. Some form of European federation, how-
\never loose, is therefore essential if the idea behind these suggestions of a
\nnew order is to be made practically’ effective, and once commenced, such a federation
\nmust necessarily be tightened and draw more and more towards the form of a
\nUnited States of Europe.<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>Whether such a European unity can be
\nformed or whether, if formed, it can be maintained and perfected against the
\nmany<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/font>Page-330<\/font><\/p>\n

\n
\n<\/div>\n

\nforces <\/font> <\/span>
\nof
\ndissolution, the many causes of quarrel which would <\/font>
\nfor long try it to the
\nbreaking point, only experience can show. But it is evident that in the present
\nstate of human egoism it would, if formed, become a tremendously powerful
\ninstrument for domination and exploitation of the rest of the world by the
\ngroup of nations which are at present in the forefront of human progress. It
\nwould inevitably awaken in antagonism to it an idea of Asiatic unity and an
\nidea of American unity, and while such continental groupings replacing the
\npresent smaller national ", unities might well be an advance towards the
\nfinal union of all mankind, yet their realisation would mean cataclysms of a
\nkind and scope which would dwarf the present catastrophe and in which the hopes
\nof mankind might founder and fatally collapse rather than progress nearer to
\nfulfilment. But the chief objection to the idea of a United States of Europe is
\nthat the general sense of humanity is already seeking to travel beyond its
\ncontinental distinctions and make them subordinate to a larger human idea. A
\ndivision on the continental basis might therefore be from this point of view a
\nreactionary step of the gravest kind and might be attended with the most
\nserious consequences to human progress.<\/font> <\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>Europe,
\nindeed, is in this anomalous position that it is at once ripe for the
\nPan-European idea and at the same time under <\/font> <\/span>the necessity of overpassing it. The conflict of the two tendencies
\n<\/font>was curiously exemplified
\nnot so long ago by certain speculations on the nature of the recent European
\nstruggle. It was suggested that the sin of Germany in this War was due to its
\nexaggerated egoistic idea of the nation and its disregard of the larger idea of
\nEurope to which the nation-idea must now be subjected and subordinated. The
\ntotal life of Europe must now be the all-engrossing unity, its good the
\nparamount consideration, and the egoism of the nation must consent to exist
\nonly as an organic part of this larger egoism. In effect, this is the
\nacceptance after so many decades of the idea of Nietzsche who insisted that
\nnationalism and war were anachronisms and the ideal of all enlightened minds
\nmust be not to be good patriots but good Europeans. But immediately the
\nquestion arose, what then or the increasing importance of America in world
\npolitics, what of Japan and China, what of the renewed stirrings of life in
\nAsia? The writer had there-<\/font><\/span> <\/font><\/p>\n

\nPage-331<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n

\n
\n<\/div>\n

fore to draw back from his first formula and to explain that
\nby Europe he meant not Europe but all nations that had accepted the principles
\nof European civilisation as the basis of their polity and social organisation.
\nThis more philosophical formula has the obvious or at least the specious
\nadvantage that it brings in America and Japan and thus recognises all the
\nactually free or dominant nations in the circle of the proposed solidarity and
\nholds out too the hope of admission into the circle to others whenever they
\nc3;n prove, after the forceful manner of Japan or otherwise, that they too have
\ncome up to the European standard. <\/font>
\n <\/font><\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font> <\/span>Indeed, though Europe is still strongly
\nseparate in its own conception from the rest of the world, – as was shown by
\nthe often expressed resentment of the continual existence of Turkey in Europe
\nand the desire to put an end to this government of Europeans by Asiatics, – yet
\nas a matter of fact it is inextricably tangled up with America and Asia. Some
\nof the European nations have colonies in America, all have possessions and
\nambitions in Asia, where Japan alone is outside the shadow cast by Europe, or
\nin Northern America which is culturally one with Asia. The United States of
\nEurope would therefore mean a federation of free European nations dominant over
\na half-subject Asia and possessor of parts of America and there standing in
\nuneasy proximity to nations still free and necessarily troubled, alarmed and
\novershadowed by this giant immiscence. The inevitable result would be in
\nAmerica to bring together more closely the Latin Centre and South and the
\nEnglish-speaking North and to emphasise immensely the Monroe Doctrine with
\nconsequences which cannot easily be foreseen, while in Asia there could be only
\none of two final endings to the situation, either the disappearance of the
\nremaining free Asiatic States or a vast Asiatic resurgence and the recoil of
\nEurope from Asia. Such movements would be a prolongation of the old line of
\nhuman development and set at nought the new cosmopolitan conditions created by
\nmodern culture and Science; but they are inevitable if the nation-idea in the
\nWest is to merge into the Europe-idea, that is to say, into the continental
\nidea rather than into the wider consciousness of a common humanity.
\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>If, therefore, any new
\nsupra-national order is to evolve<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\nPage-332<\/font><\/p>\n

\n
\n<\/div>\n

\nsooner or later as a result of the present upheaval,
\nit must be an <\/font> <\/span>
\nassociation<\/font><\/span> <\/font> <\/span>that will embrace Asia, Africa and America as well
\n<\/font>as Europe and it must be in
\nits nature an organisation of inter- national life constituted by a number’ of
\nfree nations such as Sweden, Norway, Denmark, the United States, the Latin re-
\npublics and a number of imperial and colonising nations such as <\/font> <\/span>
\n,<\/font><\/span> <\/font> <\/span>are most of the peoples of Europe. Either the latter
\nwould re- <\/font>main,
\nas they now are, free in themselves but masters of subject peoples who, with
\nthe advance of time, would become more and more intolerant of the, yoke imposed
\non them or else they would be, by an ethical advance which is as yet very far
\nfrom accomplished, partly centres of free federal empires, partly nations holding
\nin trust races yet backward and undeveloped until they arrived at the capacity
\nof self-administration, as the United States <\/font> <\/span>
\nhave<\/font><\/span>
\n<\/font> <\/span>claimed to
\nhold for a time the Philippines. In the former <\/font>
\ncase,<\/font><\/span>
\n<\/font> <\/span>the unity,
\nthe order, the common law established would <\/font>
\nperpetuate and be partly founded on an enormous
\nsystem of in- justice and exposed to the revolts and revolutions of Nature and
\nthe great revenges by which she finally vindicates the human spirit against
\nwrongs which she tolerates for a time as necessary incidents of human
\ndevelopment. In the latter, there would be <\/font> <\/span>
\nsome<\/font><\/span> <\/font> <\/span>chance that the new order,
\nhowever far in its beginnings <\/font>from the ultimate ideal of a free association of free human aggregates,
\nmight lead peacefully and by a natural unfolding of the spiritual and ethical
\nprogress of the race to such a secure, just and healthy political, social and
\neconomic foundation as might enable mankind to turn from its preoccupation with
\nthese <\/font> <\/span>lower<\/font><\/span> <\/font> <\/span>cares and begin at last that development of its higher
\nself <\/font>which is
\nthe nobler part of its potential destiny, or if not that, – for who knows
\nwhether Nature’s long experiment in the’ human <\/font> <\/span>
\ntype<\/font><\/span>
\n<\/font> <\/span>is foredoomed
\nto success or failure, – at least the loftiest <\/font>
\npossibility of our future which the human
\nmind can envisage.<\/font> <\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\nPage-<\/font><\/span>333<\/font><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

CHAPTER X The United States of Europe   \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0             WE HAVE had to dwell so long upon the possibilities of the Empire-group because the evolution…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[25],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1191","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-15-social-and-political-thought-volume-15","wpcat-25-id"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1191","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1191"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1191\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1191"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1191"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1191"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}