{"id":1948,"date":"2013-07-13T01:38:28","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:38:28","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=1948"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:38:28","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:38:28","slug":"34-messages-on-indian-and-world-events-1948-1950-vol-36-autobiographical-notes","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/03-cwsa\/36-autobiographical-notes\/34-messages-on-indian-and-world-events-1948-1950-vol-36-autobiographical-notes","title":{"rendered":"-34_Messages on Indian and World Events, 1948 \u00e2\u20ac\u201c 1950.htm"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n\n\n
<\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tMessages on <\/font><\/b> <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tIndian and World Events
\n\t\t\t<\/font><\/b> <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t1948 \u00ad 1950 <\/font><\/b><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tOn the Assassination of Mahatma Gandhi
\n<\/b> <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

[1] <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

REMAIN FIRM THROUGH THE DARKNESS THE LIGHT IS THERE AND
\n1 WILL CONQUER.1<\/font><\/sup> <\/p>\n

4 February 1948 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

[2] <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

I would have preferred silence in the face of these circumstances that surround us. For any words we can find fall flat amid such
\nhappenings. This much, however, I will say that the Light which led us to freedom, though not yet to unity, still burns and will
\nburn on till it conquers. I believe firmly that a great and united future is the destiny of this nation and its peoples. The Power that
\nbrought us through so much struggle and suffering to freedom, will achieve also, through whatever strife or trouble, the aim
\nwhich so poignantly occupied the thoughts of the fallen leader at the time of his tragic ending; as it brought us freedom, it will
\nbring us unity. A free and united India will be there and the Mother will gather around her her sons and weld them into a
\nsingle national strength in the life of a great and united people.2<\/font><\/sup> <\/p>\n

Sri Aurobindo <\/p>\n

\n

February 5, 1948<\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t1 Telegram sent to Mr. Kumbi of Gadag, in reply to his telegram “<\/i>DARKNESS SORROW
\nSPREADS FAST INDIA BAPUJI DEATH CHILDREN PRAY MESSAGE.“<\/i> Sri Aurobindo’s telegram<\/i>
\n\t\t\t<\/font>
\nwas later released to the newspapers. \u2014 Ed.<\/font><\/i><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t2 This piece was sent to All India Radio, Tiruchirapalli, in response to a request for a<\/i>
\nmessage. It later was published by the Ashram in the form of a leaflet. \u2014 Ed.<\/i>  
\n\t\t\t<\/font> <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013 497<\/font><\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n

On the World Situation (July 1948)
\n<\/a> <\/b><\/p>\n

\n

 <\/p>\n

\n

I am afraid I can hold out but cold comfort for the present at least
\nto those of your correspondents who are lamenting the present state of things. Things
\nare <\/i>bad, are growing worse and may at
\nany time grow worst or worse than worst if that is possible \u2014 and anything however paradoxical seems possible in the present
\nperturbed world. The best thing for them is to realise that all this was necessary because certain possibilities had to emerge and be
\ngot rid of if a new and better world was at all to come into being; it would not have done to postpone them for a later time.
\nIt is as in Yoga where things active or latent in the being have to be put into action in the light so that they may be grappled with
\nand thrown out or to emerge from latency in the depths for the same purificatory purpose. Also they can remember the adage
\nthat night is darkest before dawn and that the coming of dawn is inevitable. But they must remember too that the new world
\nwhose coming we envisage is not to be made of the same texture as the old and different only in pattern and that it must come
\nby other means, from within and not from without \u2014 so the best way is not to be too much preoccupied with the lamentable
\nthings that are happening outside, but themselves to grow within so that they may be ready for the new world whatever form it
\nmay take. <\/p>\n

\n

July 18, 1948 <\/p>\n

\n

Sri Aurobindo <\/p>\n

\n

 <\/p>\n

\n

On Linguistic Provinces
\n<\/a>
\n<\/b><\/p>\n

\n

(Message to Andhra University) <\/b><\/p>\n

\n

 <\/p>\n

\n

You have asked me for a message and anything I write, since it
\nis to the Andhra University that I am addressing my message, if it can be called by that name, should be pertinent to your University, its function, its character and the work it has to do. But it is difficult for me at this juncture when momentous decisions
\nare being taken which are likely to determine not only the form and pattern of this country’s Government and administration
\nbut the pattern of its destiny, the build and make-up of the   <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013 <\/font>498<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\nnation’s character, its position in the world with regard to other nations, its choice of what itself shall be, not to turn my eyes in
\nthat direction. There is one problem facing the country which concerns us nearly and to this I shall now turn and deal with it,
\nhowever inadequately, \u2014 the demand for the reconstruction of the artificial British-made Presidencies and Provinces into natural divisions forming a new system, new and yet founded on the principle of diversity in unity attempted by ancient India. India,
\nshut into a separate existence by the Himalayas and the ocean, has always been the home of a peculiar people with characteristics of its own recognisably distinct from all others, with its own distinct civilisation, way of life, way of the spirit, a separate
\nculture, arts, building of society. It has absorbed all that has entered into it, put upon all the Indian stamp, welded the most
\ndiverse elements into its fundamental unity. But it has also been throughout a congeries of diverse peoples, lands, kingdoms and,
\nin earlier times, republics also, diverse races, sub-nations with a marked character of their own, developing different brands
\nor forms of civilisation and culture, many schools of art and architecture which yet succeeded in fitting into the general Indian type of civilisation and culture. India’s history throughout has been marked by a tendency, a constant effort to unite all
\nthis diversity of elements into a single political whole under a central imperial rule so that India might be politically as well as
\nculturally one. Even after a rift had been created by the irruption of the Mohammedan peoples with their very different religion
\nand social structure, there continued a constant effort of political unification and there was a tendency towards a mingling of cultures and their mutual influence on each other; even some heroic attempts were made to discover or create a common religion
\nbuilt out of these two apparently irreconcilable faiths and here too there were mutual influences. But throughout India’s history
\nthe political unity was never entirely attained and for this there were several causes,
\n\u2014 first, vastness of space and insufficiency
\nof communications preventing the drawing close of all these different peoples; secondly, the method used which was the military
\ndomination by one people or one imperial dynasty over the rest   <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013 <\/font>499<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n

of the country which led to a succession of empires, none of them permanent; lastly, the absence of any will to crush out of
\nexistence all these different kingdoms and fuse together these different peoples and force them into a single substance and a
\nsingle shape. Then came the British Empire in India which recast the whole country into artificial provinces made for its own
\nconvenience, disregarding the principle of division into regional peoples but not abolishing that division. For there had grown
\nup out of the original elements a natural system of sub-nations with different languages, literatures and other traditions of their
\nown, the four Dravidian peoples, Bengal, Maharashtra, Gujarat, Punjab, Sind, Assam, Orissa, Nepal, the Hindi-speaking peoples
\nof the North, Rajputana and Behar. British rule with its provincial administration did not unite these peoples but it did impose
\nupon them the habit of a common type of administration, a closer intercommunication through the English language and by
\nthe education it gave there was created a more diffused and more militant form of patriotism, the desire for liberation and the need
\nof unity in the struggle to achieve that liberation. A sufficient fighting unity was brought about to win freedom, but freedom
\nobtained did not carry with it a complete union of the country. On the contrary, India was deliberately split on the basis of the
\ntwo-nation theory into Pakistan and Hindustan with the deadly consequences which we know. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tIn taking over the administration from Britain we had inevitably to follow the line of least resistance and proceed on
\nthe basis of the artificial British-made provinces, at least for the time; this provisional arrangement now threatens to become
\npermanent, at least in the main and some see an advantage in this permanence. For they think it will help the unification of the
\ncountry and save us from the necessity of preserving regional sub-nations which in the past kept a country from an entire
\nand thoroughgoing unification and uniformity. In a rigorous unification they see the only true union, a single nation with a
\nstandardised and uniform administration, language, literature, culture, art, education,
\n\u2014 all carried on through the agency
\nof one national tongue. How far such a conception can be
\n\t\t\t<\/span><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tPage \u2013 <\/font>500<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

<\/p>\n

\n

carried out in the future one cannot forecast, but at present it is
\nobviously impracticable, and it is doubtful if it is for India truly desirable. The ancient diversities of the country carried in them
\ngreat advantages as well as drawbacks. By these differences the country was made the home of many living and pulsating centres
\nof life, art, culture, a richly and brilliantly coloured diversity in unity; all was not drawn up into a few provincial capitals
\nor an imperial metropolis, other towns and regions remaining subordinated and indistinctive or even culturally asleep; the
\nwhole nation lived with a full life in its many parts and this increased enormously the creative energy of the whole. There
\nis no possibility any longer that this diversity will endanger or diminish the unity of India. Those vast spaces which kept her
\npeople from closeness and a full interplay have been abolished in their separating effect by the march of Science and the swiftness
\nof the means of communication. The idea of federation and a complete machinery for its perfect working have been discovered
\nand will be at full work. Above all, the spirit of patriotic unity has been too firmly established in the people to be easily effaced
\nor diminished, and it would be more endangered by refusing to allow the natural play of life of the
\nsub-nations than by satisfying their legitimate aspirations. The Congress itself in the days before liberation came had pledged itself to the formation of linguistic provinces, and to follow it out, if not immediately, yet as early as may conveniently be, might well be considered the wisest
\ncourse. India’s national life will then be founded on her natural strengths and the principle of unity in diversity which has always
\nbeen normal to her and its fulfilment the fundamental course of her being and its very nature, the Many in the One, would place
\nher on the sure foundation of her Swabhava and Swadharma.<\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tThis development might well be regarded as the inevitable
\ntrend of her future. For the Dravidian regional peoples are demanding their separate right to a self-governing existence;
\nMaharashtra expects a similar concession and this would mean a similar development in Gujarat and then the British-made
\nPresidencies of Madras and Bombay would have disappeared. The old Bengal Presidency had already been split up and Orissa,
\n   <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013 <\/font>501<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n

Bihar and Assam are now self-governing regional peoples. A merger of the Hindi-speaking part of the Central Provinces and
\nthe U.P. would complete the process. An annulment of the partition of India might modify but would not materially alter this
\nresult of the general tendency. A union of States and regional peoples would again be the form of a united India. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tIn this new regime your University will find its function and fulfilment. Its origin has been different from that of other Indian
\nUniversities; they were established by the initiative of a foreign Government as a means of introducing their own civilisation
\ninto India, situated in the capital towns of the Presidencies and formed as teaching and examining bodies with purely academic
\naims: Benares and Aligarh had a different origin but were all-India institutions serving the two chief religious communities of
\nthe country. Andhra University has been created by a patriotic Andhra initiative, situated not in a Presidency capital but in
\nan Andhra town and serving consciously the life of a regional people. The home of a robust and virile and energetic race,
\ngreat by the part it had played in the past in the political life of India, great by its achievements in art, architecture, sculpture,
\nmusic, Andhra looks back upon imperial memories, a place in the succession of empires and imperial dynasties which reigned
\nover a large part of the country; it looks back on the more recent memory of the glories of the last Hindu Empire of Vijayanagar,
\n\u2014 a magnificent record for any people. Your University can take its high position as a centre of light and learning, knowledge and
\nculture which can train the youth of Andhra to be worthy of their forefathers: the great past should lead to a future as great or even
\ngreater. Not only Science but Art, not only book-knowledge and information but growth in culture and character are parts of a
\ntrue education; to help the individual to develop his capacities, to help in the forming of thinkers and creators and men of vision
\nand action of the future, this is a part of its work. Moreover, the life of the regional people must not be shut up in itself; its youths
\nhave also to contact the life of the other similar peoples of India interacting with them in industry and commerce and the other
\npractical fields of life but also in the things of the mind and spirit.   <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013 <\/font>502<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\nAlso, they have to learn not only to be citizens of Andhra but to be citizens of India; the life of the nation is their life. An elite has
\nto be formed which has an adequate understanding of all great national affairs or problems and be able to represent Andhra in
\nthe councils of the nation and in every activity and undertaking of national interest calling for the support and participation of
\nher peoples. There is still a wider field in which India will need the services of men of ability and character from all parts of
\nthe country, the international field. For she stands already as a considerable international figure and this will grow as time
\ngoes on into vast proportions; she is likely in time to take her place as one of the preponderant States whose voices will be
\nstrongest and their lead and their action determinative of the world’s future. For all this she needs men whose training as well
\nas their talent, genius and force of character is of the first order. In all these fields your University can be of supreme service and
\ndo a work of immeasurable importance.<\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tIn this hour, in the second year of its liberation the nation
\nhas to awaken to many more very considerable problems, to vast possibilities opening before her but also to dangers and difficulties that may, if not wisely dealt with, become formidable. There is a disordered world-situation left by the war, full of risks and
\nsufferings and shortages and threatening another catastrophe which can only be solved by the united effort of the peoples
\nand can only be truly met by an effort at world-union such as was conceived at San Francisco but has not till now been very
\nsuccessful in the practice; still the effort has to be continued and new devices found which will make easier the difficult transition from the perilous divisions of the past and present to a harmonious world-order; for otherwise there can be no escape
\nfrom continuous calamity and collapse. There are deeper issues for India herself, since by following certain tempting directions
\nshe may conceivably become a nation like many others evolving an opulent industry and commerce, a powerful organisation of
\nsocial and political life, an immense military strength, practising power-politics with a high degree of success, guarding and
\nextending zealously her gains and her interests, dominating even   <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013 <\/font>503<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n

a large part of the world, but in this apparently magnificent progression forfeiting its Swadharma, losing its soul. Then ancient
\nIndia and her spirit might disappear altogether and we would have only one more nation like the others and that would be
\na real gain neither to the world nor to us. There is a question whether she may prosper more harmlessly in the outward life
\nyet lose altogether her richly massed and firmly held spiritual experience and knowledge. It would be a tragic irony of fate
\nif India were to throw away her spiritual heritage at the very moment when in the rest of the world there is more and more a
\nturning towards her for spiritual help and a saving Light. This must not and will surely not happen; but it cannot be said that
\nthe danger is not there. There are indeed other numerous and difficult problems that face this country or will very soon face it.
\nNo doubt we will win through, but we must not disguise from ourselves the fact that after these long years of subjection and
\nits cramping and impairing effects a great inner as well as outer liberation and change, a vast inner and outer progress is needed
\nif we are to fulfil India’s true destiny. <\/p>\n

\n

December 1948 <\/p>\n

\n

 <\/p>\n

\n

Letters Related to the Andhra University Award
\n<\/a> <\/b><\/p>\n

\n

 <\/p>\n

[1] <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n

\n\t\t\tSRI AUROBINDO ASRAM. <\/font> <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPONDICHERRY.
\n\t\t\t<\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t__<\/p>\n

July 15, 1948 <\/p>\n

To <\/p>\n

Sir C. R. Reddy <\/p>\n

Vice-Chancellor <\/p>\n

Andhra University \u2014 Waltair<\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tI have been unable to give an early answer to your letter
\nof the 28th June, 1948 which reached me rather late owing to accidental causes. This was due to some hesitation arising from
\nmy position as head of the Ashram at Pondicherry. I am not a Sannyasi and my Yoga does not turn away from life; but still I
\n   <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013 <\/font>504<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\nhave always followed the rule of not accepting titles, honours or distinctions from any Government or public institution and
\nhave rejected or stood back from even the highest when offered to me. But after long consideration I have felt that the distinction
\nwhich the Andhra University proposes to confer upon me is not of the same character and need not fall within this rule. In any
\ncase I do not feel that I can disregard the choice made by the Andhra University in selecting my name for this distinction, and
\neven if things were otherwise, I would have felt that I must accept this as an exceptional case and I could not disregard the
\nchoice by an institution like yours of my name for this prize. I authorise you therefore to consider my name for this award and
\nif the University confirms its choice of me, my acceptance of your National Prize. One difficulty remains; you know perhaps that I
\nhave been living in entire retirement, appearing in public only on the occasion of the four Darshans on which I receive the inmates
\nof my Ashram and visitors from all parts of India. Otherwise I do not go out of the rooms in which I live and still less ever
\nleave the Ashram or Pondicherry. This makes it impossible for me to go to Waltair to receive the distinction conferred upon
\nme. I would have therefore to ask for an exception to be made in this matter in my case. <\/p>\n

Sri Aurobindo <\/p>\n

\n  <\/p>\n

[2] <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n

Sri Aurobindo Ashram <\/p>\n

Pondicherry <\/p>\n

[6 November 1948] <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n

To <\/p>\n

H.E. The Governor of Madras <\/p>\n

Chancellor of the Andhra University <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tI am in receipt of your letter of 30th October informing me that the Syndicate of the Andhra University has resolved
\nto present to me the “Cattamanchi Ramalinga Reddy National Prize” for this year. I have received with much gratification your
\n   <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013 <\/font>505<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n

offer of this distinction bestowed on me by your University and I am glad to intimate to you my acceptance. I understand from
\nwhat you say about Darshan that you will personally come to Pondicherry for this purpose and I look forward with much
\npleasure to seeing and meeting you. <\/p>\n

\n

 <\/p>\n

[3] <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n

Sri Aurobindo Ashram <\/p>\n

Dec 5, 1948 <\/p>\n

To <\/p>\n

Shree C. R. Reddy <\/p>\n

Vice-chancellor, Andhra University<\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tI am sending herewith the message. But it has developed to
\nan excessive length nearer to half-an-hour’s reading than to the minimum five minutes. I hope that the theme which, I am told, is
\nstill somewhat controversial, will not be thought for that reason ill-suited to the occasion and that the length of time required
\nwill not be found unmanageable. I have felt some scruples on these two points and would be glad to be reassured that it is
\notherwise. <\/p>\n

Sri Aurobindo <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tThe Present Darkness (April 1950)
\n\t\t\t<\/a> <\/b><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

You have expressed in one of your letters your sense of the
\npresent darkness in the world round us and this must have been one of the things that contributed to your being so badly upset
\nand unable immediately to repel the attack. For myself, the dark conditions do not discourage me or convince me of the vanity of
\nmy will to “help the world”, for I knew they had to come; they were there in the world nature and had to rise up so that they
\nmight be exhausted or expelled so that a better world freed from them might be there. After all, something has been done in the
\nouter field and that may help or prepare for getting something done in the inner field also. For instance, India is free and her
\nfreedom was necessary if the divine work was to be done. The   <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013 <\/font>506<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\ndifficulties that surround her now and may increase for a time, especially with regard to the Pakistan imbroglio, were also things
\nthat had to come and to be cleared out. Nehru’s efforts to prevent the inevitable clash are not likely to succeed for more than a short
\ntime and so it is not necessary to give him the slap you wanted to go to Delhi and administer to him. Here too there is sure to
\nbe a full clearance, though unfortunately a considerable amount of human suffering in the process is inevitable. Afterwards the
\nwork for the Divine will become more possible and it may well be that the dream, if it is a dream, of leading the world towards
\nthe spiritual Light, may even become a reality. So I am not disposed even now in these dark conditions to consider my will
\nto help the world as condemned to failure. <\/p>\n

\n 4 April 1950 <\/p>\n

\n  <\/p>\n

\n On the Korean Conflict <\/a> <\/b><\/p>\n

\n  <\/p>\n

\n I do not know why you want a line of thought to be indicated to
\nyou for your guidance in the affair of Korea. There is nothing to hesitate about there, the whole affair is as plain as a “pikestaff”.
\nIt is the first move in the Communist plan of campaign to dominate and take possession first of these northern parts and then of
\nSouth East Asia as a preliminary to their manoeuvres with regard to the rest of the continent
\n\u2014 in passing, Tibet as a gate opening
\nto India. If they succeed, there is no reason why domination of the whole world should not follow by steps until they are ready
\nto deal with America. That is provided the war can be staved off with America until Stalin can choose his time. Truman seems to
\nhave understood the situation if we can judge from his moves in Korea; but it is to be seen whether he is strong enough and
\ndetermined enough to carry the matter through. The measures he has taken are likely to be incomplete and unsuccessful, since
\nthey do not include any actual military intervention except on sea and in the air. That seems to be the situation, we have to
\nsee how it develops. One thing is certain that if there is too much shilly-shallying and if America gives up now her defence
\nof Korea, she may be driven to yield position after position until it is too late; at one point or another she will have to stand and
\n  
\n508<\/i> <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013 <\/font>507<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n

face the necessity of drastic action even if it leads to war. Stalin also seems not to be ready to face at once the risk of a world
\nwar and, if so, Truman can turn the tables on him by constantly facing him with the onus of either taking that risk or yielding
\nposition after position to America. I think that is all that I can see at present; for the moment the situation is as grave as it can be. <\/p>\n

\n

28.6.1950. <\/p>\n

\n

Sri Aurobindo
\n   <\/p>\n

\n

 <\/span><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tPage \u2013 <\/font>508<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table><\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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