{"id":2000,"date":"2013-07-13T01:38:50","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:38:50","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=2000"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:38:50","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:38:50","slug":"63-facts-and-opinions-23-vol-08-karmayogin","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/03-cwsa\/08-karmayogin\/63-facts-and-opinions-23-vol-08-karmayogin","title":{"rendered":"-63_Facts and Opinions_23.htm"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n\n\n
<\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tKARMAYOGIN<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\t\t\t<\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tA WEEKLY
\n\t\t\tREVIEW <\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tof National
\n\t\t\tReligion, Literature, Science, Philosophy, &c.,<\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t\t<\/p>\n\n\n
\n

\n\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\tVol. I <\/font>
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t }<\/font><\/td>\n

\n

\n\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\tSATURDAY 11th<\/sup> DECEMBER 1909<\/font><\/td>\n

\n

\n\t\t\t\t\t\t{<\/font>
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/font>
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\tNo. 23<\/font><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table>\n

\t\t\t\t<\/font><\/div>\n

\n\t\t\t <\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tFacts and Opinions <\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tThe United Congress<\/a> <\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tThe controversy which has arisen between the Bengalee <\/i>and the Amrita Bazar Patrika
\n<\/i>on the subject of a united Congress
\n\tdoes not strike us as likely to help towards the solution of this difficult question. We should ourselves have preferred to hold
\n\tsilence until the negotiations now proceeding between representatives of both sides in Calcutta are brought to a definite
\n\tconclusion either for success or failure. But certain of the positions taken up by the
\nBengalee <\/i>cannot be allowed to pass
\n\tunchallenged. Our contemporary refers to the meeting in the Amrita Bazar
\n<\/i>Office last year as an All India Conference. He
\n\tought to know perfectly well that it was nothing of the kind. The Mahratta Nationalists were extremely anxious for a settlement and they approached the Bengal Moderates to that end through the mediation of Sj. Motilal Ghose. The terms arrived at were so humiliating that, although they gave way rather than imperil the success of the negotiations, it was with great difficulty they
\n\tcould bring themselves to consent, and Bengal Nationalism has never accepted the surrender on the subject of the creed. At
\n\tthe Hughly Conference, when the four Nationalist members of the Committee were named, great anxiety was expressed by the delegates that men should be chosen who would not repeat this<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage-340<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tsurrender. If the meeting in Bagbazar last year were an All India Conference, how is it that Bombay Moderatism refused to have anything to do with its resolutions, or that Sj. Surendranath and his following did not consider themselves bound by the
\n\tdecision to which they were a party and joined the Madras Congress? It was an attempt at negotiation and nothing more
\n\tand, having fallen through, binds nobody. The Bengalee <\/i>says that unless the Nationalists sign the creed, a United Congress
\n\tis impossible, since no one shall be admitted to the Congress who is not satisfied with self-government within the Empire and
\n\tconstitutional means of agitation. This seems to us to be an indirect attempt at intimidating us by hinting that, if we do not
\n\tjoin the Moderates on their own terms, we shall be declaring ourselves seditionists and anarchists. That is a method of bringing about unity which we think the Bengal Moderates had better leave to their friends in Bombay and Punjab; it will not work
\n\tin Bengal. If by constitutional means is meant acquiescence in the Reforms,
\n\t\t\t\u2013that is the only constitution given to us, \u2013we decline to join in using constitutional means. If peaceful means are intended, we do not know that any party advocating public
\n\tpolitical action is in favour of any but peaceful means. Nor is it a question of adhesion to or secession from the British
\n\tEmpire. That is an ultimate action which is too far off to form a question of practical politics or a subject of difference. The
\n\tdispute is one of ideal, whether we shall aim at being a province of England or a separate nation on an equality with her carrying
\n\ton our ancient Asiatic development under modern conditions. Whether such separateness and equality can be effected without
\n\tbreaking the English connection is a question which can only be decided by the final attempt at adjustment between Indian
\n\tand British interests. We Nationalists lay stress on the ideal, which is a matter of principle, and not on the form it takes,
\n\twhich is a matter of expediency and detail. As far as the United Congress is concerned, the Nationalists are willing to accept
\n\tthe self-government of the provincial type as the object of the Congress and to make no attempt to disturb this provision until
\n\tIndia becomes unanimous for a change, but any attempt to make<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage-341<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tthem sign a creed which violates their conscience will be resisted. There can be no farther weakening on that point, and if the
\n\tModerates demand that we shall lay down our principles on the altar to Sir Pherozshah Mehta before they will admit fellowship with us then farther negotiations are useless. Disunion must take its course.
\n\t\t\t<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tThe Spirit of the Negotiations<\/a> <\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tBoth the Bengalee <\/i>and the Amrita Bazar Patrika
\n<\/i>seem to us to
\n\tmisunderstand the spirit of the negotiations which are proceeding. The Patrika
\n<\/i>harps on the inconsistency of the Moderate
\n\tleaders negotiating on one side and at the same time holding a meeting to send delegates to the Three Men’s Congress at Lahore. There is no such condition underlying the negotiations. At Hughly Sj. Surendranath expressly reserved his liberty to attend Sir Pherozshah’s Congress and there is no reason why he should not do so if he thinks that his duty or his best policy. Nor do the Nationalists ask the Bengal Moderates to refrain, though they will naturally put their own interpretation on an alliance based
\n\ton the pusillanimous surrender of the Boycott Resolution. On the other hand the
\nBengalee <\/i>is quite mistaken in thinking that
\n\twhat the Nationalists seek is admission to the Convention or that they feel themselves under any necessity to go cap in hand
\n\tto Sir Pherozshah Mehta and Mr. Gokhale. On the contrary they distinctly state that the Convention is not the Congress, but they recognise that as a mere matter of convenience the reparation of its errors by the Convention is the readiest method
\n\tof bringing about a compromise and they are therefore willing to take the status quo as a basis for negotiations. They recognise
\n\tno obligation to conform submissively to that basis or approach the Bombay leaders as the arbiters of their destiny.
\n\t\t\t<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tA Salutary Rejection<\/a> <\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tWe draw the attention of all weak-kneed Nationalists to the ban placed by the Bombay Government on the candidature of<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage-342<\/font>
\n\t\t\t<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tthe distinguished and able Poona Nationalist, Mr. N. C. Kelkar. Mahratta Nationalism has never been so robustly uncompromising as the Bengal school in its refusal of co-operation in the absence of control, and Mr. Kelkar, though a sincere and ardent Nationalist, a friend and constant fellow-worker of Mr. Tilak, has always preserved an independent line in this matter and
\n\tconsidered himself at liberty to help the cause of the country on bodies controlled by the Government. It greatly helps our cause
\n\tthat the Government should so emphatically set its face against any mistaken diplomacy of this kind. Mr. Kelkar’s only specific offence against eligibility was a sentence of fine and two months’ imprisonment for contempt of court, and that is short of the time
\n\trequired for ineligibility. Sj. Surendranath, who was, by the way, sentenced to six months for a still graver contempt, has been specially exempted, unasked, by the Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal from another disability. It is obvious therefore that Mr. Kelkar’s real offence was his Nationalist views and his friendship with Mr. Tilak. We hope that all compromising Nationalists will take
\n\tthe lesson of this rebuff to heart. The object of the Government is to rally the Mahomedans and the Moderates and isolate the Nationalists. No doubt they mean by the Moderates the Loyalist section of that party, but they are evidently wishful not
\n\tto entirely alienate the Nationalist Moderates, if they can do so while excluding them from all real weight on the Councils.
\n\tBut by what reasoning any Nationalist can imagine that he will escape the operation of the excluding clauses, we are at a loss
\n\tto understand. We may also ask our Mahratta brothers what advantage they have gained by being less rigid than ourselves. They are, if anything, more rigorously persecuted than we are in Bengal. Weakness of any kind does not pay in dealing with
\n\tthe Briton. <\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tThe English Revolution<\/a> <\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tThe note of revolution which was struck with resounding force by Mr. Lloyd George and Mr. Winston Churchill in the quarrel
\n\twith the Lords, is now ringing louder in England and has been<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage-343<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n\t\t\ttaken up in soberer but not less emphatic tones by Mr.
\nAsquith and Sir Edward Grey. There can be no doubt that there was dissension in
\nthe Cabinet over the Budget and that the con-cessions made by the Government in
\nthe process of passing it were forced upon Mr. Lloyd George and certainly not to
\nthe taste of that fiery and uncompromising Celt. But the reactionary attempt of
\nthe House of Lords to control finance, has evidently closed up the ranks by
\ndriving the Moderates over to the cause of revolution. It is evidently felt by
\nthe Liberals that, with an Upper Chamber more and more shamelessly and constantly
\na mere tool of the Conservative leaders, it is impossible for any
\nLiberal Government to accept office unless it has a mandate to end or mend the
\nLords. We cannot believe that a similar feeling will not actuate the great mass
\nof Liberals all over Great Britain and heal all differences. Already the Labour
\nExecutive has decided to make the victory easier for the Government by not
\ndividing the forward vote in a considerable number of constituencies and we have
\nno doubt this is the outward sign of a secret compact between the Labour party
\nand the Liberals by which the return of a powerful Socialist party has been
\nsecured. Even the extreme Socialists, who usually are against all dealing with
\nthe middleclass and whose motto is "A plague on both your houses", are calling on
\nthe Socialists of all shades to support the Government in abolishing the House of
\nLords. If Mr. Asquith had followed the line we suggested as possible in a
\nprevious number and introduced a moderate but effective bill for nullifying the
\nLords' veto, he would certainly have gained a number of Moderate votes which will
\nnow be denied to him, but it is doubtful whether the gain of the entire Socialist
\nvote, secured by keeping himself free to end the House of Lords, is not, in the
\npresent condition of English politics, a compensation far exceeding the loss.
\nAlready Tariff Reform is receding into the background and promises to be a
\nsubordinate issue. The battle is over the constitutional, not the fiscal issue.
\nBy their anxiety to bring Unionist Labour candidates into the field and the
\neager talk of Conservative leaders about the necessity of reforming the Lords,
\nthe party of reaction show that they perfectly understand from what quarters
\n\t\t\tdisaster<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage-344<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n\t\t\tthreatens. Now that the Liberal party is
\npledged to destroy the Lords' veto, the English Revolution is assured and it will
\nbe not a middle class but a Socialist and Labour revolution. This result is
\nassured whether the Liberals win or lose in the present battle. One campaign does
\nnot decide the fortunes of such a war. <\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tAristocratic
\n\t\t\tQuibbling<\/a> <\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tWhen we speculated
\nthat the Lords would be more likely to amend the Budget and leave their opponents
\nthe onus of throwing the finances of the whole country into confusion, we
\n\t\t\tunderestimated the want of wit of which this highly venerable but somewhat
\nbrainless House is capable. This want of with as shown itself in an unseasonable
\nand wholly futile excess of refined cunning. The House of Lords felt that its
\ngreat weak-ness, when its conduct went before the country for its verdict, would
\nbe the odium of its unconstitutional attempt to interfere with the control of the
\nfinances by the people. To mend the unconstitutional appearance of their act,
\nthey have taken up this position, that they have no right to amend but they
\n\t\t\thave the right to reject the Budget. It appears to be a right which
\n\t\t\tthey have
\nsometimes been unwise enough to claim, but never unwise enough to enforce. The
\naristocratic hairsplitter who discovered this quibble, seems to have forgotten
\nthat, however pleasing the distinction may be to his ingenuity, the mass of the
\nvoters will not care one straw to examine fine distinctions which claim the
\n\t\t\twhole
\nand disclaim the part. They will simply say that the right of rejection means the
\nright of baffling the representatives of the people and paralysing finance. The
\nother device of the Lords is to avoid the appearance of disputing the people's
\nright by putting the rejection in the form of a referendum to the people, a
\nprocedure which the British constitution does not include in itself and which is
\nentirely new. Unfortunately they have made too much noise about the woes of the
\nDukes and Mr. Balfourhas made the damaging admission that it is only the liquor
\n\t\t\tand the land clauses to which he objects, so that it is too late to
\n\t\t\tpretend that
\nit is anxiety for the liberties of the people and<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage-345<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n\t\t\tnot solicitude for their own pockets and the pockets of
\n\t\t\ttheir allies, the
\npublicans, that has dictated their action. The indecent crowding of Lords who
\nnever before attended a single sitting, to reject the Budget, was also a tactical
\nerror. On the whole the action of the House of Lords has greatly helped Mr.
\nAsquith and we may await with some confidence the result of a struggle in which
\nIndia is deeply interested.<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage-346<\/font><\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

KARMAYOGIN A WEEKLY REVIEW of National Religion, Literature, Science, Philosophy, &c., Vol. I  } SATURDAY 11th DECEMBER 1909 { No. 23   Facts and Opinions…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[44],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2000","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-08-karmayogin","wpcat-44-id"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2000","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2000"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2000\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2000"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2000"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2000"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}