{"id":2001,"date":"2013-07-13T01:38:50","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:38:50","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=2001"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:38:50","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:38:50","slug":"66-the-moderate-manifesto-vol-08-karmayogin","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/03-cwsa\/08-karmayogin\/66-the-moderate-manifesto-vol-08-karmayogin","title":{"rendered":"-66_The Moderate Manifesto.htm"},"content":{"rendered":"<div align=\"center\">\n<table border=\"0\" cellpadding=\"6\" cellspacing=\"0\" width=\"100%\">\n<tr>\n<td>\n<p align=\"center\" style=\"line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t\t\t<font color=\"#000000\" face=\"Times New Roman\" size=\"4\">The Moderate<br \/>\n\t\t\tManifesto <\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t\t\t<font color=\"#000000\" face=\"Times New Roman\" size=\"3\">THE PRACTICAL exclusion of the educated<br \/>\nclasses, other than Mahomedans, landholders and titled grandees, from the new<br \/>\nCouncils and the preference of Mahomedans to Hindus has rung the death-knell of<br \/>\nthe old Moderate politics in India. If the Moderate party is to survive, it has<br \/>\nto shift its base and alter its tactics. If its leaders ignore the<br \/>\n\t\t\tstrong dissatisfaction and disillusionment felt by educated Hindus allover India<br \/>\nor if they tamely acquiesce in a reform which seems to have been deliberately<br \/>\nframed in order to transfer political preponderance from Hindus to Mahomedans and<br \/>\nfrom the representatives of the educated class to the landed aristocracy, they<br \/>\nwill very soon find themselves leaders without a following. The Moderate party at<br \/>\npresent is held together merely by the prestige and personal influence of the<br \/>\nsmall secret Junta of influential men who lead it, not by any settled convictions<br \/>\n\t\t\tor intelligent policy. The personalities of Mr. Gokhale and Sir<br \/>\n\t\t\tPherozshah Mehta<br \/>\nin Bombay, of Sj. Surendranath Banerji and Sj. Bhupendranath Bose in Bengal, of<br \/>\nPandit Madan Mohan Malaviya in the United Provinces, of Mr. Krishnaswamy Aiyar<br \/>\nin Madras constitute Moderatism in their respective provinces. What these old and<br \/>\nrespected leaders decide in their close and secret deliberations is accepted, no<br \/>\nlonger without cavilling, but still with a somewhat reluctant acquiescence<br \/>\nby their party. But the public mind has now been too deeply stirred for the<br \/>\nleaders to ignore the opinion of the country. The resignation by Sir Pherozshah<br \/>\nMehta of his Presidentship of the Lahore Convention following so soon after the<br \/>\n\t\t\tpublication of the Regulations, the speech of Mr. Gokhale at the Deccan Sabha<br \/>\nand the manifesto issued by the Calcutta Moderates are the first signs of the<br \/>\nembarrassment felt by the heads of the party. There can be no doubt that they<br \/>\n\t\t\thave<\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p align=\"center\" style=\"line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t\t\t<font face=\"Times New Roman\" size=\"2\">Page-356<\/font><\/p>\n<hr>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t\t\t<font color=\"#000000\" face=\"Times New Roman\" size=\"3\">allowed themselves to be tools in the hands<br \/>\nof the officials and were not prepared for being thrown overboard as the<br \/>\nsole recompense. <\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"line-height: 150%;text-indent: 25px;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t\t\t<font color=\"#000000\" face=\"Times New Roman\" size=\"3\">The speech of Mr. Gokhale shows the line along which<br \/>\n\t\t\tthe Bombay<br \/>\nModerate leaders desire to pilot their followers. It is the line chalked out for<br \/>\nthem by Lord Minto and other Anglo-Indian advisers. A great deal of feeling has<br \/>\nbeen created against Mr. Gokhale throughout the country by his justification of<br \/>\nthe &quot;stern and relentless&quot; measures employed by the Government against the<br \/>\nNationalist party and the Boycott movement and by the Bombay Government&#039;s use of<br \/>\nthe new repressive legislation to crush a personal adversary in Mr. Gokhale&#039;s<br \/>\ninterests. The Moderate leader has with a belated adroitness used the<br \/>\ndisqualification of the Nationalist, Mr. N. C. Kelkar, to rehabilitate himself,<br \/>\nif that be possible, by championing the cause of a political opponent. We do<br \/>\nnot know whether Mahratta sentiment will be shallow enough to be misled by this<br \/>\nmanoeuvre. The disqualification of Mr. Kelkar is an incident we welcome as again<br \/>\nto our cause. On the other hand, apart from the empty formula of protest and a<br \/>\nformal recognition of the sentiment of the country against the defects of the<br \/>\nmeasure, the speech is merely a repetition of Lord Minto&#039;s appeal to give this<br \/>\n\t\t\tvicious, injurious and insulting measure a fair chance, \u2013on the very<br \/>\n\t\t\tshadowy<br \/>\npossibility to which the Moderate leaders still profess to cling, that all this<br \/>\nalloy will be changed to pure gold in the next three years. Mr. Gokhale is still<br \/>\nthe political henchman of Lord Minto and echoes his sentiments with a pathetic<br \/>\n\t\t\tfidelity. <\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"line-height: 150%;text-indent: 25px;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t\t\t<font color=\"#000000\" face=\"Times New Roman\" size=\"3\">The manifesto of the Moderate leaders in Calcutta is<br \/>\n\t\t\tof more importance.<br \/>\nThe Bengal veterans have not yet lost caste by publicly turning against their<br \/>\ncountrymen and approving Government repression; they still keep some touch with<br \/>\n\t\t\tpublic sentiment and have not yielded body and soul to the rallying call of<br \/>\nLord Morley. Even so fervid an anti-Nationalist as Dr. Rash Behari Ghose, to the<br \/>\ngreat discontent and surprise of the <i>Englishman<\/i>, has signed the<br \/>\ndocument. The manifesto shows a clear sense of the shortcomings of the<br \/>\n\t\t\tmeasure of reform which was acclaimed with such gratitude by these<\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"line-height: 150%;text-indent: 25px;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p align=\"center\" style=\"line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t\t\t<font face=\"Times New Roman\" size=\"2\">Page-357<\/font><\/p>\n<hr>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t\t\t<font color=\"#000000\" face=\"Times New Roman\" size=\"3\">same able politicians when the skeleton had not been filled<br \/>\n\t\t\tin with its present generous padding. It is to be regretted that a false note has<br \/>\nbeen struck by the reference to the modification of one clause and the<br \/>\ncomplaint that the &quot;relief&quot; thus afforded was insignificant and many<br \/>\ndistinguished men would still be barred out of the Council. Are the distinguished<br \/>\n\t\t\tmen of Bengal paupers cringing for personal doles that this kind of<br \/>\n\t\t\tlanguage<br \/>\nshould be used or this kind of argument advanced? We cannot congratulate the<br \/>\nframer of the manifesto either on the form or the matter of this unhappy<br \/>\nsentence. The recognition of class and creed as a basis of representation, the<br \/>\n\t\t\texclusion of popular interests in favour of the dignified elements<br \/>\n\t\t\tin the<br \/>\ncommunity, the illusory nature of the non-official majority, the limitation of<br \/>\nthe functions of the Councils to criticism without control and the denial of<br \/>\nfreedom of election are the real gravamen of the charges against Lord<br \/>\nMorley&#039;s measure, and the barring out of certain distinguished men is a mere<br \/>\nincident which can certainly be used in newspaper articles and speeches as an<br \/>\nindication of motive, but ought not to have been introduced into a grave document<br \/>\nof this nature. The effective representation of the people, the preservation<br \/>\nof sound democratic principles of representation in the formation of the<br \/>\nelectorates and freedom of election are the objects disinterested and patriotic<br \/>\nmen should hold before them, not the privilege of entry into the Councils for<br \/>\ndistinguished men. <\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"line-height: 150%;text-indent: 25px;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t\t\t<font color=\"#000000\" face=\"Times New Roman\" size=\"3\">But while the manifesto contains a full and exhaustive statement<br \/>\nof the objections to the Reform, it is silent as the grave with regard to the<br \/>\npractical methods which the Moderate leaders propose to adopt in order to bring<br \/>\nabout real reform. Will they follow the Bombay lead? Will they strikeout a line<br \/>\nof their own? At the close of the manifesto there is a pious expression of<br \/>\nindomitable hope characteristic of the Moderate party, the party of obstinate<br \/>\nillusions; the signatories, it seems, do not despair of the Government<br \/>\n\t\t\tseeing the error of their ways and modifying the regulations so as<br \/>\n\t\t\tto restore Lord<br \/>\nMorley&#039;s original scheme. There is something<\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p align=\"center\" style=\"line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t\t\t<font face=\"Times New Roman\" size=\"2\">Page-358<\/font><\/p>\n<hr>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t\t\t<font color=\"#000000\" face=\"Times New Roman\" size=\"3\">heroic<br \/>\nin this desperate absence of despair. It reminds us of the most heroic passage in<br \/>\nRoman history when, after the massacre of Cannae, the beaten general and cause of<br \/>\nthe disaster returned an almost solitary fugitive to Rome, preferring flight to<br \/>\na soldier&#039;s death, and the whole Roman senate came out to meet him and thank him<br \/>\nthat he had not despaired of his country. What is it that the Moderate leaders<br \/>\n\t\t\thope? Do they hope that the regulations will be so modified as to<br \/>\n\t\t\tadmit all the<br \/>\ndistinguished men whom they are interested in seeing at their back in the<br \/>\nCouncils? Or do they hope that the fundamental defects we have enumerated will<br \/>\n\t\t\tbe removed by a sort of spontaneous repentance and confession of original sin on<br \/>\nthe part of the Government? If so, what other basis have they for their incurable<br \/>\nhopefulness except the faculty of the chameleon for living on unsubstantial<br \/>\n\t\t\tair? The modifications of which they speak are not modifications,<br \/>\n\t\t\tbut a radical<br \/>\nalteration of the whole spirit and details of the measure. <\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"line-height: 150%;text-indent: 25px;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t\t\t<font color=\"#000000\" face=\"Times New Roman\" size=\"3\">We also do not despair<br \/>\nof a wholesome change in the attitude of the Government, but we do not believe in<br \/>\npolitical miracles. There is no progress in politics except by the play of cause<br \/>\nand effect, and if we want a particular effect, we must first create the suitable<br \/>\nand effective cause. The only cause that can bring about so radical a change<br \/>\n\t\t\tin the attitude of the Government is the failure of this misbegotten scheme and<br \/>\nthe necessity of substituting one better conceived and more liberal. And the<br \/>\nonly way to bring about the failure and the consequent necessity is to focus the<br \/>\nwhole opposition of the Hindu interest and the popular interest, with whatever<br \/>\nMahomedan assistance we can get, in a movement of abstention from the present<br \/>\nCouncils and an active agitation by effective means for the recognition of the<br \/>\ngreat democratic principles that have been ignored and the formation of a new<br \/>\nscheme after consultation with the popular leaders. This, it seems to us, is a<br \/>\nlegitimate sphere of activity for a strong and self-respecting Moderate party.<br \/>\n\t\t\tBut<br \/>\nif they stultify themselves by accepting in any way a<\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p align=\"center\" style=\"line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t\t\t<font face=\"Times New Roman\" size=\"2\">Page-359<\/font><\/p>\n<hr>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t\t\t<font color=\"#000000\" face=\"Times New Roman\" size=\"3\">measure designed to reduce them to nullity or<br \/>\n\t\t\timpotence, they<br \/>\nwill commit suicide. Their empty protests against the defects of the Bill will be<br \/>\nrecognised as meaningless, for they will have deprived themselves of their only<br \/>\n\t\t\tleverage for remedying the defects. The country has no room any<br \/>\n\t\t\tlonger for a party<br \/>\nof mere sanguine expectancy and help-less dependence on the will of superior<br \/>\npower. Moderatism at present is a mass of ill-defined aspirations,<br \/>\n\t\t\tungrounded hopes and helpless methods leading to perpetual and repeated<br \/>\ndisappointment, increasing weakness and deepening self-discontent. No party vowed<br \/>\nto these uninspiring methods and depressing experiences can hope to survive at a<br \/>\n\t\t\ttime when political life is becoming more and more vivid and real. The Moderates<br \/>\nmust give up their vague unpracticality and adopt a definite aim, a distinct<br \/>\nprogramme, effective methods. <\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"line-height: 150%;text-indent: 25px;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t\t\t<font color=\"#000000\" face=\"Times New Roman\" size=\"3\">We do not know whether the Moderate leaders could<br \/>\n\t\t\tever bring themselves so far as to stand out for a real measure of control as<br \/>\ndistinguished from a wider power of criticism. But there is no reason why they<br \/>\nshould not make up their minds to fight for a popular electorate based on<br \/>\n\t\t\teducation, exclusive of class and religious distinctions, free election<br \/>\n\t\t\tand an<br \/>\nelective majority, and refuse to be satisfied with less. In that case, the<br \/>\nNationalist party would represent a more advanced force standing out for a<br \/>\nmeasure of effective control and a democratic electorate based on literacy, in<br \/>\naddition to the Moderate demands. If, on the other hand, the Moderates would<br \/>\nalso accept control as a necessary factor of any political settlement, Moderate<br \/>\nand Nationalist would again come into line and stand on a common platform, the<br \/>\n\t\t\tonly distinction being that one party would accept the settlement as a<br \/>\nsatisfactory solution for the present, while the other would regard it merely as<br \/>\nan instrument for developing autonomy. But while the exclusory clauses of the<br \/>\n\t\t\tModerate Convention&#8217;s Constitution remain, this drawing together is<br \/>\n\t\t\tnot possible,<br \/>\nor, if it were possible, could not be sincere and effective. Those clauses are a<br \/>\nsign and pledge of the Mehta-Morley<\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p align=\"center\" style=\"line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t\t\t<font face=\"Times New Roman\" size=\"2\">Page-360<\/font><\/p>\n<hr>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t\t\t<font color=\"#000000\" face=\"Times New Roman\" size=\"3\">alliance and<br \/>\nratify the policy of which Mr. Gokhale&#039;s Poona speech was the expression, the<br \/>\npolicy of rallying the Moderates to the Government&#039;s support and crushing<br \/>\nthe Nationalists. <\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p align=\"center\" style=\"line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t\t\t<font face=\"Times New Roman\">\u2014\u2014\u2014\u2014\u2014\u2014<\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"center\" style=\"line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p align=\"center\" style=\"line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t\t\t<font color=\"#000000\" face=\"Times New Roman\" size=\"4\">OTHER WRITINGS BY SRI AUROBINDO IN THIS<br \/>\n\t\t\tISSUE <\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"center\" style=\"line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p align=\"center\" style=\"line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t\t\t<font color=\"#000000\" face=\"Times New Roman\" size=\"4\">The National Value<br \/>\nof Art V <\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"center\" style=\"line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t\t\t<font color=\"#000000\" face=\"Times New Roman\" size=\"4\">Anandamath XI (continued) <\/font>\n\t\t\t<\/p>\n<p align=\"center\" style=\"line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t\t\t<font color=\"#000000\" face=\"Times New Roman\" size=\"4\">Epiphany (poem)<\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p align=\"center\" style=\"line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t\t\t<font face=\"Times New Roman\" size=\"2\">Page-361<\/font><\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>The Moderate Manifesto &nbsp; THE PRACTICAL exclusion of the educated classes, other than Mahomedans, landholders and titled grandees, from the new Councils and the preference&#8230;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[44],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2001","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-08-karmayogin","wpcat-44-id"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2001","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2001"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2001\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2001"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2001"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2001"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}