{"id":2015,"date":"2013-07-13T01:38:56","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:38:56","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=2015"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:38:56","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:38:56","slug":"72-facts-and-opinions-27-vol-08-karmayogin","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/03-cwsa\/08-karmayogin\/72-facts-and-opinions-27-vol-08-karmayogin","title":{"rendered":"-72_Facts and Opinions_27.htm"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n\n\n
<\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tKARMAYOGIN<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\t\t\t<\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tA WEEKLY
\n\t\t\tREVIEW <\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tof National
\n\t\t\tReligion, Literature, Science, Philosophy, &c.,<\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t\t<\/p>\n\n\n
\n

\n\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\tVol. I <\/font>
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t }<\/font><\/td>\n

\n

\n\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\tSATURDAY 8th<\/sup> JANUARY 1910<\/font><\/td>\n

\n

\n\t\t\t\t\t\t{<\/font>
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/font>
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\tNo. 27<\/font><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table>\n

\t\t\t\t<\/font><\/div>\n

\n\t\t\t <\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tFacts and Opinions<\/font> <\/font><\/b>\n\t\t\t<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tSir
\nEdward Baker's Admissions<\/a> <\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tOf
\nall the present rulers of India Sir Edward Baker is the only one who really puts
\nany value on public opinion. He has committed indiscretions of a startling
\ncharacter, he has loyally carried out a policy with which he can have no
\nheartfelt sympathy, but his anxiety to conciliate public opinion even under these
\n\t\t\tadverse circumstances betrays the uneasiness of a man who knows the
\n\t\t\tforce of that
\npower even in a subject country and feels that the ruling class are not going the
\nbest way to carry that opinion with them. While all the other provincial
\nGovernors have confined their inaugural speeches to the most empty platitudes, he
\n\t\t\talone has sought to speak as a man would who feels the difficulties
\n\t\t\tof a
\nperplexing situation. But we do not think he has helped the Government by his
\nspeech. It is in fact a series of damaging admissions. He admits that the
\nexclusion of the Calcutta men by the restrictions attending Municipal election is
\ndeliberate, and he cannot be ignorant that this means the exclusion of the
\n\t\t\tleading brains and the most influential personalities in the
\n\t\t\tcountry. He admits
\nthat the Government have taken care to preclude the chance of being face to face
\nwith a numerically strong and robust opposition in the Council. If so, the
\nCouncils are not a mirror of the political forces in the country, not a free
\n\t\t\tpopular<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage-390<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

assembly,
\nbut a carefully limited council of notables friendly to the existing state of
\nthings. Whether the Government are to blame or not for guarding their interests
\nby this manipulation of electorates, is quite another question. All we say is
\nthat they have so guarded themselves and, as a result, these Councils may be
\n\t\t\tthe kind of advisory body the Government want, they are not the
\n\t\t\tpopular
\nassemblies, mirrors of public opinion and instruments of rapid political
\ndevelopment, which the people want. Sir Edward Baker says that no Government can
\nbe expected to run the risk of putting itself into a permanent minority, \u2013such
\na state of things cannot be allowed for a day. We quite agree. That is what we
\nhave been telling the people for a very long time. Unfortunately, very
\ndifferent hopes and expectations were raised in the minds of Moderate politicians
\nand communicated by them to the people at large. If the eulogies of the Reform
\nScheme and the benevolent intentions of Government had been couched in
\n\t\t\tless glowing language, with less of misleading fervour, the
\n\t\t\tpresent disappointment, irritation and revolt would have been
\n\t\t\tavoided. It is much
\nthe best thing for a Government circumstanced like ours to be quite frank and say
\nfrom the beginning, "This much we mean to give; farther you must not expect us to
\ngo."<\/font> <\/font><\/b>\n\t\t\t<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tCalcutta and
\n\t\t\tMofussil<\/a> <\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tThe
\npoint which Sir Edward Baker, in common with all Anglo-Indian publicists, makes
\nof the distinction between Calcutta and the Mofussil, is quite justifiable if the
\nCouncils are to be only a superior edition of the local Municipalities out of all
\n\t\t\trelation with the political actualities of the country. It is an
\n\t\t\tindisputable fact
\nthat a great deal of the best in the life of Bengal gravitates to-wards the
\ncapital and the Partition of Bengal has made no difference in this powerful
\ntendency. Calcutta is to Bengal what Paris is to France. It is from Calcutta that
\nBengal takes its opinions, its inspirations, its leaders, its tone, its programme
\nof action. On every important reason of this almost inalienable leadership is
\n\t\t\tthe
\ngreater independence which men enjoy in Calcutta, another is the higher
\norganisation of life, resources, activity in this great<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage-391<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n\t\t\tcentre
\nof humanity. So long as these causes exist, the supremacy of Calcutta will
\nremain. The object of the electoral rules is to destroy the supremacy of the
\nCalcutta men, whose independence and freedom of speech and action are distasteful
\nto the instincts of the dominant bureaucrat. The attempt to decentralise
\n\t\t\tthe political life of Bengal is not new. In the earlier days of the
\n\t\t\tnew movement
\nthe Nationalist leaders made strenuous appeals to the Mofussil centres to
\nliberate themselves from Calcutta domination and become equal partners in a
\nbetter organised provincial activity. They thought it possible then because, in
\nthe first surge of the movement, the Mofussil centres in East Bengal had
\ndeveloped a young political vitality and independence far in excess of the old
\nvitality and independence of Calcutta. But even in these favourable circumstances
\nit was found that, though the districts far outran the capital in the swiftness
\nand thoroughness of their activity, they always waited for an intellectual
\ninitiative and sanction from the leaders in Calcutta. Barisal under Sj.
\nAswini Kumar Dutta was the exception. What the people themselves could not
\naccomplish under the most favourable circumstances, the Government is not likely
\nto effect merely by excluding the Calcutta leaders from the Council. The very
\nconditions of the problem forbid it. They can only disturb the present
\n\t\t\tequilibrium by making political life in the Mofussil as free and well-organised as
\nthe life of Calcutta. By their own action they have destroyed such freedom and
\norganisation as had been created. Nor can they make their Councils the instrument
\nof so vital a change unless they also make them the centre of the political life
\n\t\t\tof Bengal. This they can only do by a large literate electorate,
\n\t\t\tfree elections
\nand effectiveness of the popular vote. But, at present, that is not what the
\nbureaucrats desire. They do not desire a free and vigorous political life evenly
\ndistributed throughout the country, \u2013that is the Nationalist ideal. They desire
\nto foster a faint political life confined to the dignified and
\n\t\t\tsubservient elements in the country while killing the independent
\n\t\t\tpopular life,
\nwhich finds its centre in this city, by an official boycott. They forget that
\nartificial means are helpless against natural forces.<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage-392<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tThe
\nNon-Official Majority<\/a><\/font> <\/b> <\/font>\n\t\t\t<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tSir
\nEdward complains strongly of the attribution of motives to the Government in the
\nmatter of the non-official majority. He argues in effect that the non-official
\nmajority cannot be described as unreal or a sham merely because the electorates
\nare so arranged as to return a majority of men favourable to Government. The
\nmajority is a non-official majority, but it is not a popular majority. Sir Edward
\nanswers that it was never intended to be a popular majority. It was meant only to
\nrepresent the "honest" public opinion which is capable in most things of seeing
\neye to eye with the Government; all the rest of public opinion is not honest and
\ntherefore unfit for representation. A most delightful specimen of bureaucratic
\nlogic! The plain question rising above all sophisms is this, is the Government
\naware or is it not that the great body of educated opinion in India demand a
\n\t\t\tchange in the system of Government involving popular control in
\n\t\t\tthe administration, a change which Lord Morley, with all Anglo-India to echo him,
\nhas declared impossible? If the Government doubts it, dare they take a plebiscite
\nof literate opinion on the question? They dare not, because they know what the
\n\t\t\tresult will be. Is not this knowledge the reason for so manipulating
\n\t\t\tthe
\nelectorates that they shall mainly represent special interests easily influenced
\nby the Government and not the mass of the literate population? We do not charge
\nthe Government with a breach of faith or a departure from their original
\n\t\t\tpromises. We do say that the Reforms are purely a diplomatic move to
\n\t\t\tstrengthen
\nthe Government and weaken the popular interest. Sir Edward stigmatises the
\npopular sentiment which sees an opposition of interest all along the line
\nbetween the bureaucracy and the people, as dishonest and unfit for
\nself-government. What of the very fundamental opposition of interest we have
\n\t\t\tpointed out? It is easy to fling epithets; it is not so easy to disprove
\n\t\t\tfacts. We
\ndo not wish to be unfair to anyone and we acknowledge that Sir Edward Baker has
\nshown a liberality of purpose far superior to that of any other provincial ruler.
\nIf there were a chance of any of the Councils being a genuine popular assembly,
\nSir Edward's<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage-393<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n\t\t\tcreation
\nwould have the best chance. But it is not that and cannot be. If he is satisfied
\nwith its present composition, his admiration is not shared by the people of this
\ncountry. He says in effect that it is quite as dignified as any previous Council.
\nWe agree, even more so. But it is not dignity to which popular sentiment is
\nadvancing, it is democracy. If the Councils do not provide a channel for the
\nadvance of that sentiment, it will seek other means of self-accomplishment.<\/font>
\n\t\t\t<\/font><\/b><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tSir
\nLouis Dane on Terrorism<\/a><\/font>
\n\t\t\t<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tThe
\namazing lecture given by the Satrap of the Punjab to the Maharaja of Darbhanga
\nand the other gentlemen who were ill-advised enough to approach him with their
\nexpressions of loyalty and of abhorrence at the Nasik murder, is a sample of the
\nkind of thing Moderate politicians may expect when they approach the bureaucracy
\nwith their "co-operation". What it is precisely that the various Satraps want of
\ntheir long-suffering allies, we cannot conjecture. Some seem to want, like Sir
\n\t\t\tGeorge Clarke, the entire cessation of political agitation, because
\n\t\t\tthe political
\nagitator is the spiritual granduncle of the political assassin. Others seem to
\nwant the entire Indian community to leave their ordinary avocations and turn
\ndetectives, in order to supply the deficiencies of that costly police force
\nthrough which the bureaucracy governs the country. But Sir Louis Dane's
\n\t\t\tdiatribe seems difficult to account for except on the supposition that he is a
\ndisciple of Hare Street and believes that the whole population of India, from the
\nMaharaja of Darbhanga to the grocer and the shoemaker, know the personality,
\nintentions, plans and secret operations of the Terrorists and conceal them from
\nthe Government out of innate cussedness or invincible sympathy with
\n\t\t\tthe assassins. It is difficult to have patience with the insensate
\n\t\t\tfolly which
\npersists in these delusions and, by lumping all political agitation into one
\ncategory, does its best to bring about the calamity which it imagines. The fewer
\nrulers like Sir Louis there are in this country, the better for the nation and
\nthe Government; for they are the best allies that Terrorism has.<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage-394<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tThe
\nMenace of Deportation<\/a> <\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tOnce
\nmore rumours of deportation are rife, proceeding this time from those pillars of
\nauthority, the police. It seems that these gentlemen have bruited it abroad that
\ntwenty-four men prominent and unprominent are within the next six or seven days to
\nbe deported from Bengal, and so successfully has the <\/i>noise
\nof the coming coup d’état
\n<\/i>been circulated that the rumour of it comes to us from a distant corner of
\nBehar. It appears that the name of Sj. Aurobindo Ghose crowns the police list
\n\t\t\tof those who are to be spirited away to the bureaucratic Bastilles.
\n\t\t\tThe offence
\nfor which this inclusion is made, is, apparently, that he criticises the
\nGovernment, by which we presume it is meant that he publicly opposes the Reforms.
\nIt is difficult to judge how much value is to be attached to the rumour, but we
\npresume that at least a proposal has been made. If we are not mistaken, this
\n\t\t\twill
\nmake the third time that the deportation of the Nationalist leader has been
\nproposed by the persistence of the police. The third time is supposed to be
\nlucky, and let us hope it will be the last. The Government ought to make up its
\nmind one way or the other, and the country should know, whether they will or
\n\t\t\twill not tolerate opposition within the law; and this will decide
\n\t\t\tit. Meanwhile,
\nwhy does the thunderbolt linger? Or is there again a hitch in London?<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage-395<\/font><\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

KARMAYOGIN A WEEKLY REVIEW of National Religion, Literature, Science, Philosophy, &c., Vol. I  } SATURDAY 8th JANUARY 1910 { No. 27   Facts and Opinions…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[44],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2015","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-08-karmayogin","wpcat-44-id"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2015","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2015"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2015\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2015"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2015"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2015"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}