{"id":2016,"date":"2013-07-13T01:38:56","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:38:56","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=2016"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:38:56","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:38:56","slug":"70-facts-and-opinions-26-vol-08-karmayogin","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/03-cwsa\/08-karmayogin\/70-facts-and-opinions-26-vol-08-karmayogin","title":{"rendered":"-70_Facts and Opinions_26.htm"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n\n\n
<\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tKARMAYOGIN<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\t\t\t<\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tA WEEKLY
\n\t\t\tREVIEW <\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tof National
\n\t\t\tReligion, Literature, Science, Philosophy, &c.,<\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t\t<\/p>\n\n\n
\n

\n\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\tVol. I <\/font>
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t }<\/font><\/td>\n

\n

\n\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\tSATURDAY 1st<\/sup> JANUARY 1910<\/font><\/td>\n

\n

\n\t\t\t\t\t\t{<\/font>
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/font>
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\tNo. 26<\/font><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table>\n

\t\t\t\t<\/font><\/div>\n

\n\t\t\t <\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tFacts and Opinions <\/b><\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tThe Perishing
\nConvention<\/a><\/font>
\n\t\t\t<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tThe Convention has met at
\nLahore and the fact that it could meet at all, has been hailed as
\na great triumph by the Anglo-Indian Press. But the success of
\nthis misbegotten body in avoiding immediate extinction has
\nonly served to show the marks of decay in every part of its
\nbeing, and the loud chorus of eulogies streaming up from
\nAnglo-India will not help to prolong its days. The miserable
\npaucity of its numbers, the absence of great ovations to its leaders,
\nthe surroundings of stifling coldness, indifference and
\ndisapproval in the midst of which its orators perorated and resolved,
\nhave been too striking to be concealed. Even the Statesman<\/i>,
\nwhich is anxious to pass off this fiasco as a signal triumph for
\nModeratism and dwells on the enthusiasm and earnestness in the
\nBradlaugh Hall, \u2013an enthusiasm and earnestness other
\nreporters were unable to discover, \u2013is obliged to admit the smallness of
\nthe circle to which these creditable feelings were confined. To
\nthis body calling itself the Indian National Congress how many
\ndelegates did the Indian nations end? The magnificent
\ntotal of three hundred. From Bengal Sjs. Surendranath,
\nBhupendranath and A. Chaudhuri with less than half-a-dozen
\nfollowers enriched Lahore with their presence; Madras could muster only
\ntwelve; the Central Provinces sent so<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage-377<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tfew that the reporters are
\nashamed to mention the number. The United Provinces sent,
\naccording to the Amrita Bazar Patrika'<\/i>s correspondent, about thirty;
\n\t\t\tthe Bombay number is not mentioned, but even the
\nStatesman <\/i>does not go beyond eighty; the rest came from the Punjab.
\nEven the Anglo-Indian champion of Conventionism,
\nestimating largely and on the basis of hopes and expectations, cannot
\nraise the total to four hundred. The same paper takes refuge in
\nthe "huge concourse" of spectators, but, when it comes to
\nactual facts, the huge concourse melts away into some hundreds of
\nspectators, an estimate supported by the statement in the
\nBengalee <\/i>that there were considerably more spectators than
\ndelegates. It is admitted that Bradlaugh Hall which cannot seat
\nmore than three thousand was far from being filled, the
\nStatesman <\/i>observing two wings of the Hall to be quite empty and other
\naccounts reporting the Hall to be half empty. An allowance of
\nsome thousand spectators to watch the performances of the
\ngallant three hundred in this Thermopylae of Moderatism, will be
\nas liberal as the facts will allow. Could there be more
\ndamning evidence of the unpopularity of this pretentious body of
\nwell-to-do oligarchs electing themselves semi-secretly in close
\nelectorates of a handful of men and yet daring to call themselves
\nthe nation's Congress? The farce is almost over. The falsity
\nof their pretensions has been shown up signally. The
\nConvention will not dare again to meet in the Punjab; it will not come
\nto Bengal; Nagpur, Amraoti and the Maharashtra are barred to
\nit; and if the attendance from Madrasis any sign, it will not
\nbe easy for it to command a following or an audience again in the
\nSouthern Presidency. What remains to Conventionism? Bombay
\ncity, Gujerat and the United Provinces are still open to them for
\na season. The abstention of a disgusted nation has passed sentence
\nof death on this parody of the Indian National Congress. <\/b><\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tThe Convention
\nPresident's Address<\/a> <\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tThe most remarkable
\nfeature of Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya's address is not what
\nhe said, but what he omitted to<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage-378<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tsay. If the accounts
\ntelegraphed can be trusted, he said nothing about self-government,
\nnothing about Swadeshi, \u2013the Boycott, of course, the Convention
\nhas boycotted, \u2013nothing about the Bengal deportees, only a
\nfew words about the Transvaal. The speech was really a speech
\nabout the Reforms and every other great question of Indian
\npolitics was ignored or neglected. The attitude of the Convention
\non the Reforms is marked by that open insincerity which is
\nthe hallmark of Moderate politics. The Convention resolution
\nis made up of two parts, an ecstatic tribute of praise and
\ngratitude to the two Lords Morley and Minto, for their earnest
\nand "arduous" endeavours, (note the grotesque absurdity of the
\nlanguage), in extending to the people of this country a
\n"fairly liberal" measure of constitutional reform, and a detailed and
\ndamning indictment of the measure for restrictions and
\nprovisions which are "excessive and unfair", "unjust, invidious and
\nhumiliating", "arbitrary and unreason-able", and for the
\n"general distrust" of the educated classes and the "ineffective and
\nunreal" composition of the non-official majority. If there is any
\nmeaning in language, the second part of the resolution gives
\nthe lie direct to the first. The language used is far stronger than
\nany the Karmayogin <\/i>has ever permitted itself to employ in its
\ncondemnation of the Reforms and, if the condemnation is at all
\njustified by facts, the Reforms area reactionary and not a
\nprogressive piece of legislation. And yet who is the chief
\nmouthpiece of the Convention and the most damaging critic of
\nthe Reforms? A gentleman who has set the seal of approval on Lord Morley’s
\n\t\t\tmeasure by entering the Council of his
\nprovince as an elected member. Actions speak more strongly than
\nwords, and the Government of India care little for criticism
\nin detail so long as they get acceptation of the whole. From the
\nViceroy down to the obscurest Anglo-Indian scribbler the
\nappeal to the Moderates is to criticise details hereafter, if they choose,
\nbut to accept the Reforms, the perpetual division of the two
\nIndian communities, the humiliation of the Hindus, the extrusion
\nof the educated classes from their old leading position, the
\ndenial of the only true basis of self-government, \u2013to let, as
\nthe Indian Daily News <\/i>persuasively<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage-379<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tputs it, bygones be
\nbygones. Anglo-India pats Moderatism on the back and says in
\neffect: "What if we have kicked you downstairs? Can't you be a
\ngood fellow and sit quietly on the bottom step until we take
\nit in our heads to pull you up a little farther?" And
\nModeratism must comply if it wishes to be tolerated. <\/b><\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tThe Alleged Breach of
\nFaith<\/a><\/font>
\n\t\t\t<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tThe Moderate critics are
\nnever tired of harping on the difference between Lord Morley's
\nscheme and the Regulations and alleging or hinting that promises
\nhave been made to the ear which have been broken in the act.
\nThe Statesman <\/i>very naturally resents the implied charge of breach
\nof faith. We do not know what private hopes the Secretary of
\nState may have held out to Mr. Gokhale or Sj. Surendranath
\nBanerji, but, judging from Lord Morley's public utterances, we do
\nnot think the charge of a breach of faith can be for a moment
\nsustained. He has never pretended that his reform was the granting of
\na democratic constitution or the first step towards Parliamentary
\nself-government. On the contrary he distinctly stated that
\nif he had thought his measure to be anything of the kind he
\nwould have immediately withdrawn it. All that he promised was a
\nscheme by which Indian public opinion could be more
\nliberally consulted, and there were from the beginning distinct
\nindications that the Government would put its own meaning on the
\nphrase and draw a distinction between Indian opinion and Indian
\neducated opinion. If the Moderates chose to interpret this
\nlimited concession as the granting of a constitution and a new
\nMagna Charta, neither Lord Morley nor Lord Minto are to blame
\nfor a deliberate and gratuitous self-deception and deception of
\nthe people. The complaint that the non-official majority is
\nineffective and unreal, means simply that it is not a popular
\nmajority. We do not think the Government ever promised a popular
\nmajority; they promised a non-official majority and they have
\ngiven it. If the Moderates chose to believe that the Government would
\ngo out of its way to make the non-official majority a
\npopular one, they have themselves to thank<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage-380<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tfor this pitiful
\nself-delusion, against which the Nationalists have been warning the country
\nfor some time past. The truth is that they have been utterly
\nworsted in their diplomatic relations with British Liberalism and
\nthey are now trying to exculpate them-selves before the public
\nby throwing the blame on their allies. No English statesman can be
\ncondemned for trying to get the best of a diplomatic bargain of
\nthis kind; the loser must blame his own folly, not the good faith
\nof the other party. Did not the Bengal Moderates recently propose
\na similar bargain to the Nationalists in the United Congress
\nCommittee's negotiations? And, if the Nationalists had been
\nfools enough to agree, would they have been justified afterwards
\nin quarrelling with the good faith of the Moderates merely because
\nthey themselves had chosen to enter the Convention on
\nconditions which would have meant hope-less ineffectiveness in
\nthat body and political suicide outside? If infants in diplomacy
\nchoose to cherish an obstinate admiration for their own
\nMachiavellian cleverness or mere bookmen who do not understand the
\nA.B.C. of practical politics, elect to play the game with past masters
\nof political statecraft, the result is a foregone conclusion. We
\nhave exposed over and over again the hollowness of the
\npretensions of this measure to figure as a great step forward in
\nIndian administration or the beginning of a new progressive era
\nin Indian politics, but we did not need the publication of the
\nRegulations to open our eyes to this hollowness. Lord Morley's own
\nstatements, the nature of things and of humanity and the
\nclauses of the Reform Bill itself were a sufficient guide to anyone
\nwith even an elementary knowledge of politics. <\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tThe Nasik Murder<\/a><\/font> <\/b>
\n\t\t\t<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tThe tale of assassinations
\nis evidently not at an end; and it is difficult to believe that
\nit will be until a more normal condition of things has been
\nrestored. The sporadic and occasional character of these
\nregrettable incidents is sufficient to prove that they are not the work
\nof a widespread Terrorist organisation, but of individuals
\nor small groups raw in organisation<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage-381<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tand irresolute in action.
\nThe Anglo-Indian superstition of a great Revolutionary organisation like the
\n\t\t\tRussian Revolutionary Committee is a
\nromantic delusion. The facts are entirely inconsistent with it. What
\nwe see is that, where there is sporadic repression of a severe
\nkind on the part of the authorities, there is sporadic retaliation on
\nthe part of a few youthful conspirators, perfectly random in
\nits aim and objective. The Nasik murder is an act of terrorist reprisal for the
\n\t\t\tdangerously severe sentence passed on
\nthe revolutionary versifier Savarkar. It is natural that there
\nshould have been many meetings in Maharashtra to denounce
\nthe assassination, but such denunciations do not carry us
\nvery far. They have no effect whatever on the minds of the men
\nwho are convinced that to slay and be slain is their duty to
\ntheir country. The disease is one that can only be dealt with by
\nremoving its roots, not by denouncing its symptoms. The
\nAnglo-Indian papers find the root in our criticism of
\nGovernment action and policy and suggest the silencing of the Press
\nas the best means of removing the root. If the Government
\nbelieve in this antiquated diagnosis, they may certainly try the
\nexpedient suggested. Our idea is that it will only drive
\nthe roots deeper. We have ourselves, while strongly opposing
\nand criticising the actions and policy of the bureaucracy,
\nabstained from commenting on specific acts of repression, as we had no wish to
\n\t\t\tinflame public feeling; but to silence
\nNationalism means to help Terrorism. Our view is that the only way
\nto get rid of the disease is to disprove Mr. Gokhale's
\nbaneful teaching that violence is the only means of securing
\nindependence, to give the people hope in a peaceful and effective
\nmeans of progress towards that ideal, which is now the openly or
\nsecretly cherished ideal of every Indian, and to that end to
\norganise peaceful opposition and progress within the law.
\nIf the Government can retrace their steps and remove the ban
\nfrom lawful passive resistance and self-help and the
\nNationalist party, while holding its ultimate political aim, will define
\nits immediate objective within limits which a Radical
\nGovernment can hereafter consider, we believe politics in India
\nwill assume a normal course under<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage-382<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tnormal conditions. We
\npropose to do our part; we will see whether the Government
\nthink it worth their while to respond. They ought to be able to understand by
\n\t\t\tthis time that Nationalism and not
\nModeratism is the effective political force in India. <\/b><\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tTransvaal and Bengal<\/a> <\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tThere are two crying
\ngrievances which have done more than anything else to embitter
\npopular feeling against the authorities and in both cases the
\npopulations most directly affected have resorted to passive
\nresistance as the only remedy open to them. The first is the
\ngross and systematic oppression now being practised on the Indians
\nin the Transvaal, the other the repression of national
\naspirations towards unity and self-development in Bengal, typified by
\nPartition and Deportation. Nothing can be more inconsistent than
\nthe attitude taken by the Moderate Convention towards
\nthese two questions. They have telegraphed their sympathy
\nwith the heroic passive resistance of the Transvaal Indians;
\nthey have shown their sympathy with Bengal by boycotting our
\nboycott. Eighteen thousand rupees were promised for the
\nTransvaal Indians in the one scene of enthusiasm which relieved the depressed
\n\t\t\tdullness of the proceedings, and although we
\nhave little hope that this spasmodic activity will be followed
\nup by steady support, it is better than nothing. On the other hand
\nthe Bengal questions were left to be moved by Bengalis, the
\nPartition to Sj. Bhupendranath, the Deportations to Mr. A.
\nChaudhuri. A deputation was appointed by the Convention to
\nproceed to lay the question of Partition once more before Lord
\nMorley; and of whom, think you, the deputation is to consist?
\nSj. Surendranath Banerji and Sj. Bhupendranath Bose. Not a
\nsingle Moderate deputy is forthcoming from the whole of India to
\nsupport Bengal even to this extent in its bitter and arduous
\nstruggle. Yet men are not ashamed to go from Bengal as
\nself-elected delegates to a Convention which has disowned and
\ndishonoured Bengal and which Bengal has disowned.<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage-383<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tOur Cheap Edition<\/a><\/font> <\/b>
\n\t\t\t<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\tThe difficulty felt by
\nmany students and educated men of small means in buying the
\nKarmayogin <\/i>at its ordinary price of two annas, has been so much
\npressed on our attention that we have found it necessary to
\nbring out a cheaper edition at one anna a copy. It is not an easy
\nthing in this country to establish a weekly review of this standard
\nwritten in English, and it has therefore been necessary for us at
\nthe outset to place a price on the paper which should ensure its
\nbeing self-supporting even with a limited circulation. The
\nKarmayogin<\/i>, however, is now sufficiently successful to allow of a
\nconcession of this kind being made without financial injury.
\nThe subscribers to the dearer edition will be compensated by the
\nsuperior get-up and paper, while the cheaper edition will
\nremove the grievance of the large number who have hitherto been
\ndebarred from reading the review by their scanty means.<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage-384<\/font><\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

KARMAYOGIN A WEEKLY REVIEW of National Religion, Literature, Science, Philosophy, &c., Vol. I  } SATURDAY 1st JANUARY 1910 { No. 26   Facts and Opinions…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[44],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2016","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-08-karmayogin","wpcat-44-id"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2016","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2016"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2016\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2016"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2016"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2016"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}