{"id":2030,"date":"2013-07-13T01:39:00","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:39:00","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=2030"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:39:00","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:39:00","slug":"47-nationalist-work-in-england-vol-08-karmayogin","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/03-cwsa\/08-karmayogin\/47-nationalist-work-in-england-vol-08-karmayogin","title":{"rendered":"-47_Nationalist Work in England.htm"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n\n\n
<\/p>\n

Nationalist Work in England\n\t<\/p>\n

<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

WE PUBLISH in this issue an article by Sj. Bipin Chandra Pal in which he suggests the necessity of a Nationalist agency or bureau in England, and states the
\n\treasoning which has led him to modify the views formerly held
\nby the whole party on the inutility of work in England under
\n\tthe present political conditions. Bipin Babu has been busy, ever
\nsince his departure from India, in work of this kind and it goes
\n\twithout saying that he would not have engaged in it or persisted
\nin it under discouraging circumstances, if it had not been borne
\n\tin on him that it was advisable and necessary. At the same time,
\nrightly or wrongly, the majority of our party still believe in
\n\tthe concentration of work into the effort to elicit and organise
\nthe latent strength of the nation, and cannot believe that work
\n\tin England at present is anything but hopeless and a waste of
\nmoney and energy. We freely admit that under certain circumstances an agency in England might become indispensable. That
\nwould certainly be the case if an elective body with substantial
\n\tbut limited powers were established in India and serious differences of opinion were to arise between the Government and the
\n\tpopular representatives. But such a state of things is yet remote,
\nand the reformed councils will certainly not be such a body. At
\n\tpresent, what will such a bureau or agency do for the country?
\nBipin Babu suggests that it may supply the British public with
\n\tcorrect information so as to stem the tide of unscrupulous or
\nprejudiced misinformation pouring into England through Reuter
\n\tand other Anglo-Indian sources, and that, if the British public
\nget correct information, they will at once put a stop to the policy
\n\tof repression. We confess, our impression is the reverse, \u2013that
\nhowever correct the information we supply, the British public as
\n\ta whole \u2013we do not speak of just and open-minded individuals,
\n\t\t\t\u2013will still prefer to put confidence in the misstatements of their<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\t\t\t<\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage-268<\/p>\n

<\/font>
\n\t\t\t<\/p>\n

\n

\n\town countrymen rather than in the true statements of what they
\nbelieve to be an inferior race indebted to them for any element
\n\tof civilisation it may now possess. Our impression is that even a
\ncorrect idea of the facts would not necessarily lead to a correct
\n\tappreciation and policy based on those facts; \u2013many political
\nand psychological factors would interfere.\n\t<\/p>\n

\nIf we are to change our opinion, it must be either as the
\nresult of new experience showing the effect of agitation in England or of new reasoning correcting the imperfections of our
\nold premises and conclusions. The only fact that seems to be in
\n\tfavour of a readjustment of our views, is the energetic campaign
\nin Parliament of Mr. Mackarness and his friends for the release
\n\tof the deportees. It is alleged that, but for the untoward incident
\nof the Curzon-Wyllie murder, some if not all the deportees would
\n\tby this time have been released. We have our doubts about this
\nconclusion. Sir Henry Cotton and some of his colleagues were
\n\talways ever-hopeful about the effect of their pressure, and their
\nexpectations were more than once disappointed. No ministerial
\n\tpronouncement ever lent any colour to their idea that the release
\nwas imminent when the assassination happened. All that the
\n\tGovernment had promised, was to consider the question of the
\ndeportees’ farther detention, in the usual course, on the presentation of the six-monthly report, a consideration usual without
\nany Parliamentary agitation. The discomfort of the questions
\n\twas, no doubt, great and the long-established sentiment of many
\nLiberals and not a few Conservatives was offended by the long
\n\tdetention of public men without a trial. But this in itself, though
\nit strewed the path of the deporters with thorns instead of its
\n\tbeing, as they would have liked, strewn with roses, would not,
\nby itself, have secured the release of the deportees. Even if it had,
\n\tthe release of one or two or more of the deportees would not
\nhave removed the policy of repression. Only the repeal of the
\n\tAct could have done that, and it must have been followed by
\nthe eradication of executive illegalities and police harassment as
\n\twell as of the readiness of Government to pass repressive legislation, before the real obstacles in the way of peaceful progress
\n\tcould be removed. Would an agency in England seriously help<\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

<\/font><\/p>\n

\nPage-269<\/p>\n

<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n\ttowards such a consummation, \u2013that is the question. It means
\nthe diversion of money and effort, and we must see a reasonable
\n\tchance of a return before we embark on it. <\/p>\n

\nBipin Babu urges that it will, and bases his conception on
\n\ta certain reading of the British character and policy which we
\nhesitate to endorse in its entirety. It is quite true that we have
\n\theard of certain irresponsible Englishmen longing for a violent
\noutbreak on the part of the people, which would give them
\n\tan excuse for equally violent measures to crush Indian aspirations for ever. But we do not believe for a moment, that
\n\tsome of the responsible officials, \u2013and that we believe is all Bipin Babu implies,
\n\u2013cherished the same idea. We think that
\n\tall Government officials have regarded the outbreak of Terrorism, small though it was, with alarm and the utmost anxiety
\n\tto get rid of it, and indeed we believe the institution of organised repression to have been the result of an ignorant and
\n\tunreasoning alarm which hugely exaggerated the dimensions
\nand meaning of the outbreak, as well as wholly misunderstood
\n\tthe drift of the Nationalist movement. We take exception also
\nto Bipin Babu’s suggestion of the bully in the British character
\n\tbeing responsible for the repressions, as if it were something
\npeculiar to the British race. What Bipin Babu wishes to indicate by this phrase, the readiness to use repression and what
\nare erroneously called strong measures, to intimidate a popular movement, is a tendency which belongs not to British
\ncharacter especially but to human nature, and should be considered the result not of character but of the position. The
\nGovernment in India favour repression because it seems the
\n\tonly way of getting over what they regard as a dangerous
\nmovement, without concessions which mean the immediate or
\n\tgradual cessation of their absolute paramountcy. It is a case of
\nincompatible interests, and until both parties can be brought
\n\tto a modus vivendi, such it will remain. How is that incompatibility to be surmounted, for, at first sight, it seems to be
\n\tan insurmountable obstacle. Bipin Babu relies on the enlightened self-interest of the British people and to a certain extent
\n\ton their civilised conscience. We think we may as well leave<\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

<\/font><\/p>\n

\nPage-270<\/p>\n

<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n\tthe civilised conscience out of the reckoning for the present.
\nThe civilised conscience is a remarkably queer and capricious
\n\tquantity, on which, frankly, we place no reliance whatever. It
\nis very sensitive to breaches of principle by others and very
\n\tindignant when the same breaches of principle are questioned
\nin its own conduct. It sees the mote in other eyes; it is obstinately unaware of the beam in its own. It is always criticising
\nother nations, but it ignores or is furious at criticism of its
\n\town. It has fits of sensitiveness in which it makes large resolutions, but it can never be trusted to persist in them contrary
\n\tto its own interests. This civilised conscience is not peculiar to
\nthe British people, but belongs in a greater or less degree to
\n\tevery European nation with the possible exception of Russia.
\nWe prefer infinitely to rely, if we have to rely on anything, on
\n\tthe sense of enlightened self-interest. Here also we differ from
\nBipin Babu. He argues as if the British were a thoughtful and
\n\tclear-minded people, and only needed the data to be correctly
\nplaced before them in order to understand their interests correctly. This is far from the truth about British character. The
\nEnglish are, or were, a people with a rough practical common
\n\tsense and business-like regularity and efficiency which, coupled
\nwith a mighty thew and sinew and a bulldog tenacity and
\n\tcourage, have carried them through all dangers and difficulties and made them one of the first peoples of the globe. They
\n\thave had men of unsurpassed thought-power and clearness of
\nview and purpose, but the race is not thoughtful and clear minded; on the contrary on all questions requiring thought,
\nintelligence and sympathy they are amazingly muddle-headed
\n\tand can only learn by knocking their shins against hard and
\nrough facts. When this first happens, they swear profusely, rub
\n\ttheir shins and try to kick the obstacle out of the way. If it
\nconsents to be kicked out of the path, they go on their way
\n\trejoicing; otherwise, after hurting their shins repeatedly they
\nbegin to respect the obstacle, stop swearing and kicking, and
\n\tnegotiate with it. In this process, familiar to all who have to
\ndo with Englishmen from the point of view of conflicting interests, there is much rough practical sense but little thought<\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

<\/font><\/p>\n

\nPage-271<\/p>\n

<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n\tand intelligence. It is on this conception of the British character that the Nationalist party has hitherto proceeded. The
\n\thard fact of a continued and increasing Boycott, an indomitable
\nnational movement, a steady passive resistance, have been the
\n\tobstacles they have sought to present to the British desire for an
\nabsolute lordship. We must prevent these obstacles from being
\n\tkicked out of the way by repression, but the way to achieve
\nthat end is to show a tenacity and courage and a power of
\n\tefficiency rivalling the British, and not to make an appeal to
\nthe conscience and clear common sense of the British public.
\n\tWe could only imagine such an appeal having an effect in
\nthe as yet improbable circumstance of a Liberal Government
\n\twith a small majority dependent for its existence on a powerful Socialist and Independent Labour party. Even if this should
\n\tbe the result of the approaching general elections, the appeal
\ncould not have effect unless the hard facts were there in strong
\n\tevidence in India itself. Our whole effort should be devoted
\nto establishing these hard facts in a much more efficient and
\n\tthorough way than we have hitherto done, and the only way
\nis for the Nationalist party to establish its separate existence,
\n\tclear from the drag of Moderatism on the one side and disturbance by ill-instructed outbreaks of Terrorism on the other,
\n\tand erect itself into a living, compact and working force in
\nIndia.\n\t<\/p>\n

\nOne day the Government in India will be obliged to come to
\nthe Nationalist party, which it is now trying to destroy, for help
\n\tin bringing about a satisfactory settlement of the quarrel between
\nthe bureaucracy and the people. But that will not be till they have
\n\texhausted their hopes of achieving the same end on their own
\nterms by playing on the weaknesses of the Moderate party. If the
\n\tcountry were to follow the Moderate lead and content itself with
\nthe paltry and undesirable measure of reform now proposed, the
\n\tprogress of India towards self-government would be indefinitely
\npostponed. The Nationalist party therefore, while showing all
\n\twillingness to coalesce with the Moderates in the Congress on
\nreasonable terms, must jealously guard their separate individuality and existence and decline to enter the Congress on terms<\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

<\/font><\/p>\n

\nPage-272<\/p>\n

<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n\twhich would make them an inoperative force and perpetuate the
\nmisbegotten creature of the Allahabad Convention Committee
\n\tunder the name of the Congress. Nor should they be drawn into
\nexperiments in England which are, at present, of doubtful value
\n\tor none.\n<\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\n\u2014\u2014\u2014\u2014\u2014\u2014<\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

<\/font><\/p>\n

\nOTHER WRITINGS BY SRI AUROBINDO IN THIS ISSUE\n\t<\/p>\n

<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

\nThe Brain of India I\n<\/p>\n

\nAnandamath VI<\/p>\n

<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

<\/font><\/p>\n

\nPage-273<\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Nationalist Work in England   WE PUBLISH in this issue an article by Sj. Bipin Chandra Pal in which he suggests the necessity of a…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[44],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2030","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-08-karmayogin","wpcat-44-id"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2030","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2030"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2030\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2030"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2030"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2030"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}