{"id":2062,"date":"2013-07-13T01:39:11","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:39:11","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=2062"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:39:11","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:39:11","slug":"39-the-hughly-conference-vol-08-karmayogin","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/03-cwsa\/08-karmayogin\/39-the-hughly-conference-vol-08-karmayogin","title":{"rendered":"-39_The Hughly Conference.htm"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n\n\n
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The Hughly Conference <\/p>\n

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THE CHANCES of politics are in reality the hidden guidance of a Power whose workings do not reveal themselves easily even to the most practised eye. It is difficult therefore to say whether the successful conclusion of the Provincial Conference at Hughly
\n\t\t\twithout the often threatened breach between the parties, will really result in the furtherance of the object for which the Nationalists consented to waive the reaffirmation of the policy formulated at Pabna and refrained from using the preponderance which the general sentiment of the great majority of the delegates gave them at Hughly. If things go by the counting of heads, as is the rule in democratic politics, the Nationalist sentiment commands the greater part of Bengal. But in leaders of recognised weight, established reputation and political standing the party is necessarily inferior to the Moderates, both because it is a younger force very recently emerged and because its leaders have been scattered by a repression which has aimed at the tall heads of the party. There is also a large
\n\tbody of sentiment in the Mofussil which is Nationalist at heart but does not always venture to be Nationalist in action because
\n\tof the difficulties in the way of the Nationalist programme and the respect due to the elder leaders. On the other hand among the young men who command the future, Moderatism is dead and what takes its place is a Nationalism which loves rather to
\n\tact than to think, because it has not yet accustomed itself to the atmosphere of strenuous political thought. In fact the spirit
\n\tof Nationalism and its objects are becoming universal but its methods, though preferred, are not always adhered to and its
\n\t\t\tthought has not everywhere penetrated below the surface. <\/p>\n

The
\n\t\t\tpossibility or otherwise of united action was the governing thought throughout the Conference. The tendency to break to pieces was very prominent in the first day’s proceedings and<\/p>\n

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\n\twas fostered by certain incidents slight in themselves but each of which was in the existing state of feeling a quite possible pretext
\n\tfor disruption. It was from an observation of the proceedings of the first day that either party offered its programme of action
\n\tfor the second. The Nationalist party intended to put forward a formal protest against any acceptance of the reforms in however
\n\tslight a degree, to press the Pabna resolution on the Boycott and above all to insist on the Conference taking some definite step
\n\twhich would either materialise the chances of a United Congress or once for all show that union was impossible. The Moderate
\n\tleaders came determined on four things, not to allow any resolution recognising general passive resistance, not to allow any resolution amounting to an absolute refusal of the Reforms, not to allow any resolution debarring delegates from Bengal from
\n\tjoining the Lahore Convention in case of that body rejecting union and not to consent even to the bringing forward of any
\n\tamendment or proposal of a pronounced nationalist character in the Conference. On all these points it was made quite evident
\n\tthat if the Nationalists pressed their points the Conference would be broken up by the secession of the Moderate leaders. In all
\n\tthese disputed matters, therefore, the Nationalists gave way and adhered only to their main point of securing some definite step
\n\tin relation to the holding of a united Congress. <\/p>\n

\nIt is necessary to explain this action on the part of our party,
\n\tfor in his speech on the Boycott resolution . Aurobindo Ghose purposely refrained from stating more than the bare facts in
\n\torder that nothing he might say should lead to excitement or anything which could be an excuse for friction. It is not that the
\n\tNationalist party is not willing or able to stand by itself if that proves inevitable and seems the best course in the interests of
\n\tNationalism and the future of the country. But it has always been the ideal of the Nationalists to make of the Congress a great and
\n\tliving body deliberative in the manner of free assemblies which consider from various points of view what is best for the country
\n\tand decide by majority or, whenever possible, unanimously, the parties holding together not by identity of views but by one
\n\tcommon aim and interest and the combined freedom and restraint<\/p>\n

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\nof a constitution which provides for the free expression of opinion under fair and impartial rules. They seek also a centre
\n\tfor the country’s strength which can give authority to a network of organisation systematising the work of the nation. They seek
\n\tin other words a centre of deliberation and a centre of order and authority which can take charge of national progress. To seek
\n\tthis centre outside the long established body to which the nation has looked as the pivot of its political activities would have been
\n\ta waste of material already half-prepared for the purpose. In attempting to convert this instrument to its proper uses they
\n\tmay have committed errors of over-eagerness and passionate impatience, the ordinary faults of a party of progress still young
\n\tand energetic, but the errors on the other side were yet greater. The errors of life and progress are more exuberant and striking
\n\tbut less fatal than the errors of decay and reaction. However that be, in the attempt the instrument itself was broken, but it is
\n\tcapable of being mended if the past errors on both sides can be got rid of, and it is the duty of the Nationalist party to give a fair
\n\tchance to the forces that make for the preservation of this old and honoured institution. This is the more incumbent on them
\n\tas the sense of the country is in favour of an attempt to restore unity. A democratic party is bound to give the utmost weight
\n\tto the general sense of the country in a matter of such primary importance.\n\t<\/p>\n

\nIt remains to be seen whether the great concessions made by the party will bear any fruit. The situation is not wholly
\n\tencouraging. The position taken by the Moderate leaders that the Nationalists even if they are in a majority, must not try to
\n\tenforce resolutions which travel beyond the limits of common agreement and unanimity and must allow resolutions to pass
\n\twhich are contrary to their principle and policy on pain of a Moderate secession may be tolerated for some time; but how
\n\tlong can a growing sentiment and ideal representing the future consent to be restrained within such iron limits? And if such
\n\tbe the basis of union proposed, it is obvious that the Congress will be a united Congress only in name and the attendance of
\n\tthe Nationalists perfunctory or useless. If on the other hand the<\/p>\n

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\n\tresolutions of the Congress are recognised as the opinion of the majority leaving the minority perfect freedom to bring in their
\n\town resolutions when they have converted the mass of public opinion to their views, the unity will be real and living. We were
\n\tnever in favour of shams. It is only righteousness that exalts a nation and righteousness means going straight; nothing can
\n\tlong endure which is based upon unreality and hollowness. If therefore there is any union it must be one which recognises that
\n\tthere are two parties in the country and that each has a right not only to exist but to make itself felt. This is a right we have not
\n\trefused to the Moderate party when we were in the majority; if they refuse it to us, then the talk of unity must cease and Sir
\n\tPherozshah Mehta and Mr. Gokhale must have their way. <\/p>\n

\nThis is the position from the Nationalist point of view. We
\n\thope that the largeness of the sacrifice made will not, in view of the slightness of the chance in favour of which everything
\n\telse was thrown overboard, create any dissatisfaction in the party. All shades of Nationalist opinion were represented at Hughly and they consented to be guided in the matter by Srijut Aurobindo Ghose on whom the responsibility of leadership fell
\n\tin the absence of older colleagues who have been temporarily or permanently removed from the field. The Nationalist party
\n\tis in practical possession of the heart and mind of Bengal. It is strongly supported in other parts of India and controls Maharashtra. It is growing in strength, energy and wisdom. It surely inherits the future. Under such circumstances it can afford to
\n\twait.<\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

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