{"id":270,"date":"2013-07-13T01:27:01","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:27:01","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=270"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:27:01","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:27:01","slug":"161-party-and-the-country-vol-01-bande-mataram-volume-01","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/01-sabcl\/01-bande-mataram-volume-01\/161-party-and-the-country-vol-01-bande-mataram-volume-01","title":{"rendered":"-161_Party and the Country.htm"},"content":{"rendered":"\n\n
\n

\nParty and the Country<\/font><\/b><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\n                       
\n<\/font>
\n<\/span>THE<\/font><\/span><\/b>
\nuses of party are a secret known only <\/font> <\/span>to
\nfree nations which value their freedom above all other things. Men of free minds
\nand free habits are too strong of soul to be the slaves of their party feelings
\nand too robust of mind to submit to any demand for the sacrifice of their
\nprinciples on the altar of expediency. It is only in a servile nation
\nunaccustomed to the habits of freemen that party becomes a master and not an
\ninstrument. The strength of mind to rise above personal feeling, the breadth of
\nview which is prepared to tolerate the views of others while fighting
\nresolutely, even aggressively, for one’s own, the generosity of sentiment which
\ncan clasp the hand of an opponent so long as the claims of patriotism are
\nsatisfied, these are qualities that do not grow in the barren soil of servitude
\nor flourish in its vitiated atmosphere. The pains of wounded vanity are as
\nstrong in slaves as in children; the pride which will not forgive defeat, the
\nmalice which broods over an affront for ever, the narrowness which does not
\nallow good in an opponent or honesty in his opinions, while arrogating all
\nvirtues for oneself and one’s party, these are the growth of the unhealthy air
\nof slavery. So long as these are present, party is a curse because it becomes
\nfaction. And without party self-government is impossible.<\/font><\/p>\n

           
\n<\/span>The growth of parties immediately before the Swadeshi movement was one of
\nthe signs of an approaching awakening in the national mind. When the intellect
\nis stirred and feelings become sincere and acute, parties arise, each passionate
\nfor its opinions, eager to carry them out, full of enthusiasm for an imagined
\nideal. The air becomes vibrant with life, the full blast of hope and endeavour
\nfills the sails of destiny and through a sea sometimes stormy and never quite
\nplacid, the ship of a nation’s fate plunges forward to its destination. A
\npolitical life in which there are no parties is political stagnation, death-in
\nlife. It means that the intellect of the nation is torpid, its feelings<\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage-875<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\nfeeble
\nand flaccid, its aspirations untouched with passion of sincerity, fervour of
\nhope unawakened, love of the country an inoperative sentiment confined to the
\nintellect only and not yet close to the heart. The patriot is consumed with the
\npassion to serve his country, to make her great, free or splendid. His brain is
\nfull of plans for the fulfilment of his hopes and he seeks helpers and followers
\nto bring it about, while he tries to disabuse the country of ideas which he
\nbelieves injurious to his plans. A Mazzini planning the republican freedom of
\nItaly creates the party of New Italy, a Garibaldi filled with the same hope but
\nbent on freedom first and republicanism afterwards forms his Legion of Red
\nShirts and holds the balance of parties, a Cavour full of grandiose schemes of a
\nKingdom of Italy leads the old monarchical sentiment of Piedmont and all that
\ngathers round it. These parties fear and distrust each other, but all have one
\nclear and unmistakable purpose, the freedom of Italy, and work for it, each
\ndoing something towards the common end which the others could not have done.
\nThus the purpose of God works itself out and not the purpose of Mazzini, or the
\npurpose of Garibaldi, or the purpose of Cavour. Parties are necessary but they
\nmust have a common end overriding their specific differences, the freedom,
\ngreatness and splendour of their Motherland. Only one party is inexcusable,
\ninadmissible, not to be parleyed with, the party which is against freedom, the
\nparty which seeks to perpetuate national slavery.<\/font><\/p>\n


\n           
\n<\/font>
\n<\/span>In the India of today there are in appearance two parties at issue over
\nthe destiny of the country. One puts Swaraj as its goal, the other a modified
\nfreedom under the supreme control of a paramount and protecting Britain. Men of
\nboth parties try to show that their party is that of the true patriots, the
\nother a faction fatal to the best interests of the country; both claim the lead
\nof the country, the true right to be the representatives of its feelings and in
\npossession of the future. If they were equally patriotic, this opposition would
\nwork for the good of the country and not for evil. If both were equally bent on
\nthe freedom of their country, they would supply each other’s deficiencies, do
\neach what the other is unfit to do and by their mutual rivalry work out the
\nsalvation of their country. The Moderate Party contains<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\n
\nPage-876<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\na
\ncertain number of men who are really patriotic and desire the freedom of their
\ncountry, whatever they may think it prudent to profess in public. If these men
\nformed the whole or the bulk of their party, the present strife of parties would
\nbe an unmixed blessing, but unfortunately for the country there is a large and
\npowerful element which is of a very different stamp. The representatives of this
\nclique are the true movers of the Convention and their aims are hardly
\ndisguised. They do not believe in the capacity of their people for
\nself-government or in the desirability of freedom for India and, if they
\nsubscribe to the formula of self- government, it is avowedly as a distant
\nmillennium which is to be kept outside the pale of practical politics. Their
\npolitical aims are bounded by such changes in the existing system of
\nadministration as will give them and their class a greater share in the
\nbureaucratic administration and a safe, easy and profitable road to position,
\npopularity and honours. Patriotism is with them no ideal, no overmastering
\npassion, no duty, but an instrument for advancing certain interests and gaining
\ncertain advantages. These men are Loyalists of a baser type, who desire the
\ncontinuance of the British absolutism out of self-interest and not from any love
\nof it or conviction of its goodness and utility. It is these men who have
\nbrought about the Surat fiasco, the Convention, the creed and the Allahabad
\nconstitution and the Surendranaths and Gokhales have been tools in their hands.
\nConventionalism is a factor in our politics which makes for reaction, a revolt
\nagainst the new ideas and a direct negation of our future. As such it will serve
\nthe ends of bureaucracy, tighten the chain and militate against progress; it can
\nnever be a factor helping towards our liberation. If the Bengal Moderates cling
\nto the Convention, they too will be no longer a factor in the work of
\nliberation but an enemy and an obstacle like the Italian Moderates who clung to
\nthe Austrian domination as necessary to Italy. They are forfeiting their future
\nwhen they deny the future of their country. If parties are to arise henceforth,
\nit must be among those who are the advocates of freedom and workers for freedom,
\nfor they alone can differ without faction and work together for a common end on
\ndifferent lines. Those who make the negation of the country’s future the test of
\nadmission to their<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage-877<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\ncounsels,
\nwill themselves be excluded from the counsels of the Power that is shaping that
\nfuture. Without them, for they are too feeble to be reckoned as an opposing
\nforce, that which they deny will accomplish itself.<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n
\nThe "Bengalee" Facing-Both-Ways<\/font><\/a><\/b><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\nWe
\nconfess we cannot understand the position taken up by the Bengalee <\/i>in the
\nparagraph we quote on another page. The Bengal Moderates at the Convention tried
\npartially but not completely to carry out the country\u2019s mandate, but when they
\nwere outvoted, they made no protest and have not separated themselves from the
\naction of the Convention. We take it therefore that when the Moderate Convention
\nunder the usurped name of the Congress meets at Surat in December, they will
\ntake part in it with Dr. Rash Behari Ghose at their head. If so, they sever
\nthemselves from the country and forfeit their political future in Bengal, but
\ntheir position is intelligible. The Bengalee<\/i>, <\/i>however, talks of reconciliation and the Convention in one breath. It trusts that the path of
\nreconciliation is not yet definitely closed, although the Convention to which Srijut Surendranath belongs has definitely enough adopted an exclusion clause
\nand is going to summon a new-born Congress of its own. It is even bold enough to
\nsay that the resolution of the Convention does not preclude reconciliation. We
\nfind it difficult to command words which will properly characterise the audacity
\nof this assertion. Does the Bengalee <\/i>imagine that the Nationalists are
\ngoing to accept a Congress called by the Convention, a Constitution framed by a
\nhandful of gentlemen meeting at Allahabad and a creed or "statement of
\nobjects" which contradict their fundamental principles? Its appeal to the
\ncountry to bring about an united Congress stands convicted, coming after such a
\nsentence, as a piece of meaningless vapidity. The Bengalee <\/i>evidently
\nwants to cling to the Convention and yet pose as a champion of reconciliation
\nbut this double attitude will not serve. It cannot both have its Convention cake
\nand eat it.<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage-878<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n
\n
\nProvidence
\nand Perorations<\/font><\/a><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\nThe
\nBengalee <\/i>cannot bear to be told that the present movement is under the
\ndirect guidance of Providence. It regards the proposition as "positively
\ndangerous". It benignly admits that "if properly understood there is
\nan element of vital truth in this proposition", but when preached to
\n"the vulgar" it is likely to work endless mischief. Hush! therefore,
\ndo not utter the name of Providence, "for there is no other philosophical
\ndoctrine which has done so much to breed and foster the unnatural spirit of
\ndifference as this particularly stupid dogma." But tell people that foreign
\nsugar and Liverpool salt contain the blood and bone of cows and pigs, and all
\nthe while go on consuming ham and bacon as great delicacies. Talk not of the
\npresence of the divine in political activities, because this "stupid
\ndogma" is calculated to create difference in our camp, but appeal to the
\nMahomedan’s religious aversion to pork and the Hindu’s hatred of beef, in the
\ninterest of national unity! Keep Providence for rounding the periods of your
\nmagnificent perorations, but bring him not down to the realities of your social
\nor political struggles. He is an exceedingly inconvenient guest at the table or
\nthe counter.<\/font><\/p>\n


\nBande
\nMataram<\/i>,
\n<\/i> <\/font> April 24, 1908<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage-<\/font>879<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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