{"id":2739,"date":"2013-07-13T01:43:33","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:43:33","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=2739"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:43:33","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:43:33","slug":"88-bande-mataram-30-5-07-vol-06-07-bande-mataram","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/03-cwsa\/06-07-bande-mataram\/88-bande-mataram-30-5-07-vol-06-07-bande-mataram","title":{"rendered":"-88_Bande Mataram 30-5-07.htm"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n\n\n
\n\t<\/p>\n

\n\t
\n\tBande Mataram<\/font><\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n\t
\n\t{
\n\tCALCUTTA, May 30th, 1907 }
\n\t<\/b><\/span>
\n\t\t\t<b{
\n\tCALCUTTA, May 30th, 1907 }
\n\t<\/b><\/p>\n

\n

\n\t <\/p>\n

\n
\nThe Ordinance and After
\n<\/b>
\n\t<\/span><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nWe have pointed out in previous articles what we considered to be the individual effect of three of the measures of repression
\nadopted by the bureaucracy in their fight with the Swadeshi movement. The review has led us to the conclusion that there
\nis so far no new element in the situation beyond, on one hand, the clear and universal conviction that has been carried home to
\nthe people of the nature and extent of the resistance which we may expect from the bureaucracy and, on the other, the more
\nurgent necessity of adopting certain measures for national defence and resistance which ought to have been taken before. The
\nconditions of the problem have not been materially changed, but its acuteness has been enhanced. The persecution of Swadeshi
\nleaders and workers is nothing new, but it has increased in scale and in the atrocity of the punishments\u2014 and it is being carried
\nout not by local officials but by the Government of India. The attempt to break the back of the movement by restricting the
\naction of students and teachers is nothing new, but it is now being taken up deliberately, systematically, not by a local administration, but by the Government of India. The utilisation by the bureaucracy of Nawab Salimullah and by Nawab Salimullah of
\nhooligans to harass and, if possible, break the Boycott is nothing new, but the extent to which this sinister opposition has been
\ncarried and the wide space of country over which it has been attempted, is a new phenomenon. But there is one measure of the
\nGovernment which is in itself a new phenomenon and seriously affects, if it does not entirely alter the whole situation. This is the
\nCoercion Ordinance directed against public meetings. It would not be true to say that the ordinance was absolutely unforeseen.
\n   
\n\t<\/span> <\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\n\t
\n\tPage \u2013 461<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n\tWe at least had always held it extremely probable if not quite
\ncertain, that this and even more violent and crushing methods of coercion would eventually be adopted by the bureaucracy in
\nits struggle for self-preservation. But we did not anticipate so rapid a development of coercive measures, or that they would
\nreach their height, as they threaten to do under a professedly Radical and democratic Government. Not that we ever believed
\nthere was any essential difference between Liberals and Conservatives with regard to India, but there was a difference in their
\nprofessions and we imagined that what the Conservatives would do immediately and without compunction, the Liberals would
\nalso do, but with hesitation and some show of reluctance. There has, however, been no slightest sign of reluctance. With alacrity
\nand a light heart they have refused to India that right of free speech and free meeting which their political creed declares to
\nbe a common and fundamental right and to deny which is an act of tyranny. Nevertheless, though not expected so soon, the
\nCoercion Ordinance was not a contingency which had altogether been left out of view.
\n\t<\/span><\/p>\n

\n\tWhat then is the new condition which it creates? One of immense importance. Up till now our whole programme with
\nunimportant exceptions has fallen well within the law. We have worked against bureaucratic government, we have not worked
\nagainst the law nor exceeded its restrictions in any of our methods. So careful have we been in this respect that the bureaucracy
\nhave been at a loss where to get a hold on the Swadeshi movement without losing their prestige and reputation, and in the
\nend they have been obliged to throw their reputation overboard and allow the agents of their ally, the Nawab of Dacca, to
\ncreate disorder so as to prepare the way for proclaiming the Swadeshi areas. This desire to keep within the law was not, as
\nsome of our disappointed adversaries suggested, born of fear or unwillingness to bear sacrifices for the country\u2014 for even
\nwithout breaking the law many Swadeshi workers had to go to jail or undergo police and Gurkha violence, but part of a
\nwell-reasoned policy. To be able to keep within the law gives an immense advantage to a young movement opposed by a strong
\n   
\n\t<\/span> <\/p>\n

\n\t <\/p>\n

\n\t
\n\tPage \u2013 462<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n\tadversary in possession of all the machinery of legal repression
\nand oppression; for it allows it to grow into adult strength before giving the enemy a sufficient grasp to strangle it while it is yet
\nimmature. Moreover, a nation which can show a respect for law even in the first throes of a revolution, has a better chance of
\nenjoying a stable and successful government of its own when its chance comes. Nevertheless legality can never be the first
\nconsideration in a struggle of the kind we have entered upon, and if new laws are passed which offend against political ethics,
\nwhich make our service and duty to our country impossible and to obey which would therefore be an unpatriotic act, they
\ncannot possibly command obedience. Still more is this the case when the measure in question is not a law, but an executive
\nukase which may yet be prevented from passing into law. This can best be done by a widespread and quiet but determined
\npassive resistance which will make the ukase inoperative without a resort to measures of the most extreme and shameless
\nRussianism. We have not concealed our opinion that this is the course the country ought to adopt in the present juncture, if for
\nno other reason, then because it is our duty as men, as citizens, as patriots.
\n\t<\/span> <\/p>\n

\n\tWe recognise, however, that much is yet to be said on the opposite side. The strongest argument against the course
\nwe have suggested, is that the bureaucracy evidently desire an immediate struggle. The course of events at Barisal, the recent
\noutrageous insult to a prominent Swadeshi worker and the insolent harassment of the townspeople by the local officials
\nand their underlings, are extremely significant. The attempt to provoke a struggle between the Hindus and Mahomedans
\nculminating in the singular affair of the Barisal night panic which still calls for explanation, has been a failure. It seems that
\nthe police are now attempting to force on some demonstration which will give them an excuse for turning Barisal into a second
\nRawalpindi. The unprovoked blow given by a Gurkha to Srijut Satis Chandra Chatterji was obviously a prearranged affair,
\nleaving the victim the choice between swallowing the insult
\n and an act of retaliation which might have led to an emeute<\/i>.   
\n\t<\/span> <\/p>\n

\n\t <\/p>\n

\n\t
\n\tPage \u2013 463<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n\tWe think that Srijut Satis Chandra on the whole did well to
\nsubordinate his feelings to the good of his country, but the odds were the other way, and the police must have known it. That in
\ncase of resistance even of the most passive kind, the police or military would not “hesitate to shoot”, is extremely probable
\nfrom the action of the Punjab authorities and the known attitude of the local officials in East Bengal. Would it then be wise for
\nus, it is argued, to expose ourselves passively to the arrest and deportation of our leaders, the dragooning of our towns and
\nvillages, the utmost outrages on men and women and all the violent ills of despotic repression, without any certain gain to the
\ncountry to set in the opposite balance? The question really turns on the precise strength of the movement at its present stage of
\ngrowth. If it is already strong enough to bear extreme Russian repression without becoming unnerved and demoralised, the
\ncourse we have suggested is the best, because it is the boldest. If not, it would be sounder policy perhaps to leave the bureaucracy
\nto its Pyrrhic victory for a while and immediately turn all our energies to giving the movement the necessary strength,\u2014 in
\nother words, the necessary organisation of men, money and means which it needs in order to cope with the bureaucracy on
\nequal terms. The choice is between these alternatives. <\/span><\/p>\n

\n\t
\n\t__________<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

\n\t <\/p>\n

\n\t
\n\tA Lost Opportunity
\n<\/b>
\n\t<\/span><\/p>\n

\n\t <\/p>\n

\n\tThe London correspondent of the Bengalee <\/i>has the following:\u2014 “It is a sign of the times that one of the yellow evening papers
\nin recording the news of the arrest of Sir George Arbuthnot went on to assure its readers that Sir George has the entire
\nsympathy of the financial community in London and that his arrest at the suite of a `native’ was directly to be attributed to
\nthe hostility towards Englishmen engendered by Bengali Babus.” The Englishman
\n<\/i>must be biting its fingers with mortification at
\nnot having been first in the field with this brilliant idea. If it had only thought of sending its special correspondent to Madras at
\nthe time, we might not have had to wait for a London evening   
\n<\/span> <\/p>\n

\n\t <\/p>\n

\n\t
\n\tPage \u2013 464<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n\tpaper to shed the light of this brilliant and illumining idea on
\nthe Arbuthnot case. We wonder what our friends of Madras will think of this “entire sympathy of the financial community in
\nLondon” for the Englishman of finance whom they so implicitly trusted and by whom they were so shamefully betrayed. Such
\nsympathy is a sign of the times indeed.
\n\t<\/span> <\/p>\n

\n\t
\n\t__________<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

\n\t <\/p>\n

\n\t
\n\tThe Daily News <\/i>and Its Needs
\n<\/b>
\n\t<\/span><\/p>\n

\n\t <\/p>\n

\n\tThe Indian Daily News <\/i>is extremely anxious to make capital out of the report of the Sobhabazar meeting and it lays down with
\ngreat solemnity the points on which it does or does not want information from us. Since the success of the
\nC. M. Gazette<\/i>
\n\t in bringing about the <\/span>
\n\tcoup d’\u00e9tat<\/span>
\n\t<\/span> <\/i>in the Punjab, the whole
\nAnglo-Indian Press seems to be suffering from an epidemic of swelled head. Our remarks on the subject were not to the address of our contemporary or dictated by any desire to enlighten its ignorance, but were meant simply to prevent any mistaken
\nimpression being created among our own people that the Nationalist leaders had abandoned passive resistance as the result of
\nthe policy of repression or favoured any idea of substituting for it aggressive Nihilism. Since, however, our contemporary is so
\nbenevolently anxious about the matter, we hope that yesterday’s paragraph will appease his yearnings. Meanwhile we would suggest to him to put himself in communication with a Brahmin pundit and gather some information about the Amabasya and
\nthe worship of Raksha Kali. <\/span> <\/p>\n

\n\t
\n\t__________<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

\n\t <\/p>\n

\n\t
\n\tCommon Sense in an Unexpected Quarter
\n<\/b>
\n\t<\/span><\/p>\n

\n\t <\/p>\n

\n\tIt has given us quite a turn to find the following criticism of Mr. Morley’s approaching “reforms” in the columns of
\nIndia<\/i>. “Tinkering with the Indian administrative machine will no longer avail. A thorough overhauling of its component parts has become imperative and unless the leaders of opinion in India are   
\n\t<\/span> <\/p>\n

\n\t <\/p>\n

\n\t
\n\tPage \u2013 465<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n\tencouraged to play a part in the work of government in a manner which is altogether denied to them today, the last state of India will be deplorably and ominously worse than the first.”
\nOf course India <\/i>is much behind the times in imagining that “encouragement” to the leaders of public opinion will meet the
\nsituation. The least that India now demands is the admission of the people of the country to the management of its own affairs.
\nBut it is at once surprising and gratifying to find that the organ of Palace Chambers has at last realised the necessity of a complete
\nand revolutionary change in the whole system of administration. It quotes against Mr. Morley an admirable passage of his own
\nwritings in which this pregnant observation occurs. “A small and temporary improvement may really be the worst enemy of a
\ngreat and permanent improvement unless the first is made on the line and in the direction of the second.” Precisely so. This is the
\nmain reason, even apart from their insufficiency, that any mere administrative reforms are looked upon with suspicion by the
\nNationalist party. The great and permanent improvement India demands is an entire change of the principles of government in
\nIndia, and a small and temporary improvement in details, leaving the principles untouched, would not be “on the line and in the
\ndirection” of the great improvement called for; it would be its worst enemy. Merely to temper absolute bureaucratic power by
\nproviding means for consulting the “leaders of public opinion” is a reform which would be the worst enemy of Indian
\n\tself-government. We recommend this dictum of Mr. Morley, the philosopher, to Mr. Gokhale and other Moderates.
\n\t<\/span><\/p>\n

\n\t
\n\t__________<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

\n\t <\/p>\n

\n\t
\n\tDrifting Away <\/b>
\n\t<\/span><\/p>\n

\n\t <\/p>\n

\n\tBombay is nearer London than Calcutta; and while Mr. Gokhale
\nduring his visit to Calcutta tried to organise a special session of the Congress at Bombay, the people of Bombay are contemplating the holding of the next session of the Congress in London. The Gujerati
\n<\/i>writes:\u2014
\n\t<\/span> <\/p>\n

\n\t“The idea of holding the next session of the Indian National   
\n\t<\/span> <\/p>\n

\n\t <\/p>\n

\n\t
\n\tPage \u2013 466<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n\tCongress in London is a good idea. Years ago a similar proposal
\nwas put forward. But it was not taken up by congressmen in right earnest. The extremists, who are sure to quote Mr. Morley’s reply
\nto the anti-partition memorialists in justification of their opposition to sending any petitions, will be probably also opposed
\nto holding any session of the Congress in London. Excluding this class of Indians, the more thoughtful, sober-minded and
\nresponsible section of congressmen who form the majority, will be in favour of the idea, provided financial difficulties could be
\novercome and the most representative congressmen induced to visit England.”
\n\t<\/span> <\/p>\n

\n\tAnd it asserts that “a successful Congress session in London would be more fruitful especially at a juncture like the present
\nthan five sessions held in India”. Fruitful in what respect? If our contemporary means fruitful in expenditure, humiliation and
\nloss of self-respect, then we must agree with him. Why should the National
\n<\/i>Congress hold its session in London? The nation
\ndoes not live in London and the root idea of a national <\/i>movement is opposed to this continual theatrical supplication to the
\nvery people who are interested in preventing us from becoming a nation. While our contemporary confidently asserts that a
\nsuccessful session in London would be more “fruitful” than five sessions held in India, we, belonging as we do to that section
\nwhich Mr. Romesh Dutt during his two hours’ presidentship of the Congress saw routed by the Moderates, may be permitted to
\nsuggest that one such session will do more injury to the country and the cause than five years without a session of the Congress.
\nThe attitude of British statesmen, moreover, is not encouraging even to the Moderates who still think of getting rights marked
\n“Made in Great Britain” in the same consignment with Liverpool salt or Manchester piece-goods. The hand on the dial will
\nbe put back if we leave the nation and check the growing spirit of self-help and self-exertion to go and beg for “rights” in England
\nand spend on this fruitless act sums which we badly require for the long-neglected task of national organisation. “The time,”
\nsays our contemporary, “has come when Congressmen in a body should face the British public.” Possibly; but not to “plead the
\n   
\n\t<\/span> <\/p>\n

\n\t <\/p>\n

\n\t
\n\tPage \u2013 467<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n\tcause of India and her inhabitants in the very metropolis of the
\nEmpire”. This idea about the British public is a pure superstition. The British public will never interfere with the action of
\nits representatives and kinsmen in India and in the India Office, unless and until it finds itself in danger of losing its Empire in
\nthe East. The quarrel has to be fought out between the people of India and the Anglo-Indian bureaucracy and it must be fought
\nout on the soil. To attempt to transfer the field of battle to London will be impracticable and harmful.
\n    <\/span> <\/p>\n

\n\t <\/p>\n

\n\t
\n\tPage \u2013 468<\/font><\/span><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Bande Mataram { CALCUTTA, May 30th, 1907 } <b{ CALCUTTA, May 30th, 1907 }   The Ordinance and After   We have pointed out in…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[54],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2739","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-06-07-bande-mataram","wpcat-54-id"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2739","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2739"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2739\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2739"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2739"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2739"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}