{"id":2745,"date":"2013-07-13T01:43:35","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:43:35","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=2745"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:43:35","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:43:35","slug":"231-bande-mataram-2-5-08-vol-06-07-bande-mataram","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/03-cwsa\/06-07-bande-mataram\/231-bande-mataram-2-5-08-vol-06-07-bande-mataram","title":{"rendered":"-231_Bande Mataram 2-5-08.html"},"content":{"rendered":"<div align=\"center\">\n<table border=\"0\" cellpadding=\"0\" cellspacing=\"0\" width=\"100%\">\n<tr>\n<td width=\"100%\" valign=\"top\">\n\t<font face=\"Times New Roman\" color=\"#000000\"><\/p>\n<p align=\"center\" style=\"text-indent: 0pt;line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t<span lang=\"en-gb\" style=\"vertical-align: top\"><b><font size=\"4\">Bande Mataram<\/font><\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<hr>\n<p align=\"center\" style=\"text-indent: 0pt;line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t<span lang=\"en-gb\" style=\"vertical-align: top\"><br \/>\n\t<b>{<br \/>\n\tCALCUTTA, May 2nd, 1908 } <\/b> <\/span> <\/p>\n<hr>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"text-indent: 0pt;line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p align=\"center\" style=\"text-indent: 0pt;line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n<span lang=\"en-gb\" style=\"vertical-align: top\"><br \/>\n<b>Nationalist Differences<br \/>\n<\/b><br \/>\n\t<\/span><\/p>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"text-indent: 0pt;line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"text-indent: 0pt;line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n<span lang=\"en-gb\" style=\"vertical-align: top\">A great deal of capital is being made by the Moderate Press of the difference of attitude between Bengal and Maharashtra<br \/>\nNationalism over the acceptance of the creed. The Mahratta Nationalists are many of them willing to sign the creed on the<br \/>\nunderstanding that it is not put forward as an ultimate aim of Indian political effort. The Bengal Nationalists, with one or two<br \/>\nexceptions, are determined to have nothing to do with the creed on any conditions, so long as it is put forward as a creed at<br \/>\nall or as a clause of exclusion. They take this attitude, on three grounds, first, because they believe the creed to be irrational and<br \/>\nimpracticable, secondly, because it is opposed to the doctrines they have always publicly professed, and thirdly, because they<br \/>\nconsider no Congress session has the right to bind down individual delegates or future sessions to a particular statement of belief<br \/>\nor precise definition of objects which would limit the aspirations of a people. To sign it would be against their reason, against<br \/>\ntheir conscience and against their rights. The Mahrattas take a different standpoint. Mr. Tilak at the Nationalist Conference in<br \/>\nSurat declared that absolute autonomy must be the ultimate goal of our efforts, but a partial autonomy may be a halfway house,<br \/>\nthe former being then the ideal of the party, the latter a practical and immediate aim of present-day politics. From this standpoint the original draft in Mr. Gokhale&#8217;s Constitution which described Colonial self-government as an ultimate goal was objectionable, but the statement of self-government in the Empire<br \/>\n\t<\/span><\/p>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"text-indent: 0pt;line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"text-indent: 0pt;line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n<span lang=\"en-gb\" style=\"vertical-align: top\"><br \/>\n<i><font size=\"2\">The exact date of the articles published here under &#8220;May 2nd&#8221; is uncertain. They<\/font><\/i><font size=\"2\"><br \/>\n<i>appeared in the daily edition of 1 or 2 May. Both these issues have been lost. The articles<\/i><br \/>\n<i>were reprinted in the weekly edition of 3 May.<\/i><br \/>\n &nbsp;&nbsp;<br \/>\n<i>2 May 1908<\/i><br \/>\n<i>1085<\/i> <\/font><br \/>\n\t<\/span><\/p>\n<p align=\"center\" style=\"text-indent: 0pt;line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p align=\"center\" style=\"text-indent: 0pt;line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t<span lang=\"en-gb\" style=\"vertical-align: top\"><font face=\"Times New Roman\" color=\"#000000\" size=\"2\">Page \u2013<br \/>\n\t1084<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<hr>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"text-indent: 0pt;line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n<span lang=\"en-gb\" style=\"vertical-align: top\">as an immediate goal was permissible. When the Convention<br \/>\nwas first held at Surat, many of the Nationalist delegates from Maharashtra saw no objection to signing the creed as it stood,<br \/>\nand some of them went to the Pandal and offered to sign but were turned away. It was because the Bengal delegates refused<br \/>\nto sign that the party as a whole did not appear at the Pandal to resume the struggle for progress. The position taken up by Mr.<br \/>\nTilak and the Mahrattas has not altered. They object to binding down the future by a creed, but they would not object to signing<br \/>\na statement putting self-government within the Empire as an immediate object if such signature be necessary for unity; they<br \/>\nrefuse however to associate themselves with any creed, clause or subscription which would have the result of excluding a large<br \/>\nsection of the Progressive party. There are and always will be minor differences of opinion among the Nationalists, but they<br \/>\nare united on three cardinal principles: 1. That nothing short of absolute autonomy can permanently satisfy Indian aspiration;<br \/>\n2. That prayer, petition and protest can never be an effective method of political agitation; 3. That passive resistance and<br \/>\nself-help can alone advance the country at the present stage.<br \/>\n\t<\/span> <\/p>\n<p align=\"center\" style=\"text-indent: 0pt;line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n<span lang=\"en-gb\" style=\"vertical-align: top\"><br \/>\n<b>__________<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p align=\"center\" style=\"text-indent: 0pt;line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p align=\"center\" style=\"text-indent: 0pt;line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n<span lang=\"en-gb\" style=\"vertical-align: top\"><br \/>\n<b>Ideals Face to Face<br \/>\n<\/b><br \/>\n\t<\/span><\/p>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"text-indent: 0pt;line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"text-indent: 0pt;line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n<span lang=\"en-gb\" style=\"vertical-align: top\">A new ordeal always brings with it a new awakening. The ordeal of Partition brought with it a great industrial awakening with<br \/>\npolitics as its undercurrent, a sort of economico-political self-realisation. All that such an awakening could do for the political<br \/>\nfuture of the country has now been done. The ordeal of the Risley Circular brought with it a great educational awakening<br \/>\nwith politics as its impulse, a sort of politico-educational self-realisation. The ordeal of the Congress split will also bring with<br \/>\nit a fresh awakening. This time the awakening will be political with a religious undercurrent. It is time that the nation rose<br \/>\nabove Swadeshi to Swaraj. It is time that it left the path of self-realisation through disguises and side-issues and flung itself<br \/>\nfrankly and wholly into the attempt to win Swaraj. The Surat &nbsp;&nbsp; <\/span><\/p>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"text-indent: 0pt;line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p align=\"center\" style=\"text-indent: 0pt;line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t<span lang=\"en-gb\" style=\"vertical-align: top\"><br \/>\n\t<font face=\"Times New Roman\" color=\"#000000\" size=\"2\">Page \u2013 1085<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<hr>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"text-indent: 0pt;line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t<span lang=\"en-gb\" style=\"vertical-align: top\">split took place over the side-issue of the President&#8217;s election, but<br \/>\nthe Convention&#8217;s attitude has brushed away all side-issues and brought to the front the question of Swaraj. The future success<br \/>\nof the Nationalist party depends on the boldness with which it takes up the real point at issue and affirms its beliefs. If it hedges,<br \/>\nthen the Convention will have a sort of sanction for its attitude which will give it a moral force otherwise entirely lacking to<br \/>\nits action. The ideal of unqualified Swaraj has a charm for the national mind which is irresistible if it is put before it in the<br \/>\nnational way by minds imbued with Indian feeling and free from the gross taint of Western materialism. Swaraj as a sort of European ideal, political liberty for the sake of political self-assertion, will not awaken India. Swaraj as the fulfilment of the ancient life<br \/>\nof India under modern conditions, the return of the Satyayuga of national greatness, the resumption by her of her great role of<br \/>\nteacher and guide, self-liberation of the people for the final fulfilment of the Vedantic ideal in politics, this is the true Swaraj for<br \/>\nIndia. Of all the proud nations of the West there is an end determined. When their limited special work for mankind is done they<br \/>\nmust decay and disappear. But the function of India is to supply the world with a perennial source of light and renovation. Whenever the first play of energy is exhausted and earth grows old and weary, full of materialism, racked with problems she cannot<br \/>\nsolve, the function of India is to restore the youth of mankind and assure it of immortality. She sends forth a light from her bosom which floods the earth and the heavens, and mankind bathes in it like St. George in the well of life and recovers strength, hope<br \/>\nand vitality for its long pilgrimage. Such a time is now at hand. The world needs India and needs her free. The work she has to do<br \/>\nnow is to organize life in the terms of Vedanta, and that is a work she cannot do while overshadowed by a foreign power and a<br \/>\nforeign civilisation. She cannot do it without taking the management of her own life into her own hands. She must live her own<br \/>\nlife and not the life of a part or subordinate in a foreign Empire. <\/span><\/p>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"text-indent: 25pt;line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t<span lang=\"en-gb\" style=\"vertical-align: top\">All political ideals must have relation to the temperament<br \/>\nand past history of the race. The genius of India is separate from that of any other race in the world, and perhaps there is no<br \/>\n\t\t\t<\/span><\/p>\n<p align=\"center\" style=\"text-indent: 0pt;line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p align=\"center\" style=\"text-indent: 0pt;line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t<span lang=\"en-gb\" style=\"vertical-align: top\"><font face=\"Times New Roman\" color=\"#000000\" size=\"2\">Page \u2013<br \/>\n\t1086<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<hr>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"text-indent: 0pt;line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t<span lang=\"en-gb\" style=\"vertical-align: top\">race in the world whose temperament, culture and ideals are<br \/>\nso foreign to her own as those of the practical, hard-headed, Pharisaic,<br \/>\n\tshop-keeping Anglo-Saxon. The culture of the Anglo-Saxon is the very antipodes of Indian culture. The temper of the Anglo-Saxon is the very reverse of the Indian temper. His ideals<br \/>\nare of the earth, earthy. His institutions are without warmth, sympathy, human feeling, rigid and accurate like his machinery,<br \/>\nmeant for immediate and practical gains. The reading of democracy which he has adopted and is trying to introduce first in the<br \/>\ncolonies because the mother country is still too much shackled by the past, is the most sordid possible, centred on material aims<br \/>\nand void of generous idealism. In such a civilisation, as part of such an Empire, India can have no future. If she is to model<br \/>\nherself on the Anglo-Saxon type she must first kill everything in her which is her own. If she is to be a province of the British<br \/>\nEmpire, part of its life, sharing its institutions, governed by its policy, the fate of Greece under Roman dominion will surely<br \/>\nbe hers. She may share the privileges and obligations of British citizenship,\u2014 though the proud Briton who excludes the Indian<br \/>\nfrom his colonies and treats him as a lower creature, will perish rather than concede such an equality,\u2014 but she will lose her<br \/>\nIndian birthright. She will have to pass a sponge over her past and obliterate it from her life, even if she preserves the empty<br \/>\nrecords of it in her schools. The degradation of a great nation, by the loss of her individuality, her past and her independent future,<br \/>\nto the position of a subordinate satellite in a foreign system, is the ideal of the Convention. It is sheer political atheism, the negation<br \/>\nof all that we were, are and hope to be. The return of India on her eternal self, the restoration of her splendour, greatness,<br \/>\ntriumphant Asiatic supremacy is the ideal of Nationalism. Is it doubtful which ideal will be more acceptable to the nation, that<br \/>\nwhich calls on it to murder its instincts, sacrifice its future and deny its past for the advantage of an inglorious security, or that<br \/>\nwhich asks it to fulfil itself by the strenuous reassertion of all that is noble and puissant in the blood it draws from such an<br \/>\nheroic ancestry as no other nation can boast? <\/span><\/p>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"text-indent: 25pt;line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t<span lang=\"en-gb\" style=\"vertical-align: top\">The ideal creates the means of attaining the ideal, if it is<br \/>\n &nbsp;&nbsp;<br \/>\n<\/span><\/p>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"text-indent: 25pt;line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p align=\"center\" style=\"text-indent: 0pt;line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t<span lang=\"en-gb\" style=\"vertical-align: top\"><br \/>\n\t<font face=\"Times New Roman\" color=\"#000000\" size=\"2\">Page \u2013 1087<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<hr>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"text-indent: 0pt;line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t<span lang=\"en-gb\" style=\"vertical-align: top\">itself true and rooted in the destiny of the race. All that can be said for<br \/>\n\tthe Convention&#8217;s ideal is that it saves the professor of the ideal from the<br \/>\n\twrath of the bureaucracy. Otherwise it is as grotesquely out of proportion<br \/>\n\tto the strength of the people who profess it as any which the Nationalist<br \/>\n\tcan uphold. It has no exciting virtue of divine enthusiasm which can inspire<br \/>\n\tto heroic effort and enable a fallen nation to shake off its weakness, turn<br \/>\n\tcowards into heroes and selfish men into self-denying martyrs of the cause,<br \/>\n\tand yet the effort it demands for realisation is as heroic as anything which<br \/>\n\tthe Nationalist expects from the people. The pride of race, the pride of<br \/>\n\tempire, the pride of colour are the three invincible barriers which stand<br \/>\n\tbetween it and its realisation. What force have the Conventionalists to set<br \/>\n\tagainst these? Tears and supplications, appeals to British justice and<br \/>\n\tBritish generosity\u2014 nothing else. They are not serious in their ideal and do<br \/>\n\tnot really hold it but flaunt it as a counterpoise to the Nationalist ideal<br \/>\n\tso that the country may be deceived into thinking they have an aim and a<br \/>\n\tpolicy. They have none. A false ideal is always a veil for something else,<br \/>\n\tand the Convention creed is with some a veil for secret hopes of liberty<br \/>\n\twhich they dare not avow and with others a veil for the absence of any aim<br \/>\n\texcept the hope of securing a few peddling reforms in the existing system of<br \/>\n\tadministration. <\/span><\/p>\n<p align=\"justify\" style=\"text-indent: 25pt;line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t\t<span lang=\"en-gb\" style=\"vertical-align: top\">The future is with the Nationalist ideal because there is no<br \/>\n\tother. But the danger is that the false shadow of an ideal which is now<br \/>\n\tbeing put forward as a reality will be accepted as a convenient instrument<br \/>\n\tfor self-protection against the anger of the bureaucracy. The temptation it<br \/>\n\tholds out is one to which all new faiths are exposed, that which was the<br \/>\n\tchief danger of Christianity in the days of persecution, to which, for a<br \/>\n\tfleeting moment, Mahomed is said to have succumbed when harassed by the Koraish, the temptation of securing a respite from persecution by a false<br \/>\n\tprofession which, masking itself as a harmless piece of diplomacy, will<br \/>\n\treally be a fatal stab at the very heart of the new religion. This<br \/>\n\ttemptation must be religiously eschewed and the true issue boldly proclaimed<br \/>\n\tif Nationalism is to fulfil its divinely-appointed mission.&nbsp;&nbsp;<br \/>\n\t\t<\/span><\/p>\n<p align=\"center\" style=\"text-indent: 0pt;line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p align=\"center\" style=\"text-indent: 0pt;line-height: 150%;margin-top: 0;margin-bottom: 0\">\n\t<span lang=\"en-gb\" style=\"vertical-align: top\"><font face=\"Times New Roman\" color=\"#000000\" size=\"2\">Page \u2013 1088<\/font><\/span><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Bande Mataram { CALCUTTA, May 2nd, 1908 } &nbsp; Nationalist Differences &nbsp; A great deal of capital is being made by the Moderate Press of&#8230;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[54],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2745","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-06-07-bande-mataram","wpcat-54-id"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2745","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2745"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2745\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2745"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2745"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2745"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}