{"id":278,"date":"2013-07-13T01:27:03","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:27:03","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=278"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:27:03","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:27:03","slug":"021-the-times-on-congress-reforms-vol-01-bande-mataram-volume-01","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/01-sabcl\/01-bande-mataram-volume-01\/021-the-times-on-congress-reforms-vol-01-bande-mataram-volume-01","title":{"rendered":"-021_The Times On Congress Reforms.htm"},"content":{"rendered":"\n\n
\n

\n
\nThe
\nTimes on Congress Reforms<\/font><\/b><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\n                       
\n<\/font>
\n<\/span>T<\/font><\/span><\/b>HE<\/b>
\npronouncement of the Times <\/i>on the proposal of the Congress for a further
\nreform and expansion of the Indian Councils is significant for the thoroughness
\nwith which the futility and impossibility of the entire Congress ideal is
\nexposed by the writer. Mr. Gokhale took great pains last year in his address as
\nPresident of the Congress to point out, in detail, how the present Council of
\nthe Indian Viceroy might be remodelled, without disturbing the present position
\nof the Government. His idea is that the elected members of the Viceregal Council
\nmay well be increased from five to twelve, of whom two shall be elected by the
\nChamber of Commerce and the representative of some important industry, and ten
\nby the different Provinces. The two representatives of Commerce and Industry
\nwill, Mr. Gokhale opined, be Europeans, as there shall be 10 Indian members
\nelected to the Council, out of 25, the total strength of that body; and even if
\nthey voted together they would be in a permanent and absolute minority; and the
\nonly effect of any vote they might give against the Government would be a moral
\neffect. This is Mr. Gokhale’s position and programme; and neither the Times <\/i>nor,
\nwe are afraid, anybody else outside the ranks of those who hold that everything
\nthat is unreal and moderate is the product of sound statesmanship, clearly sees
\nwhat the gain either to the people or to the Government will be from the
\nacceptance of this wise and cautious counsel. The ten Indian members will form
\nH.M.’s permanent Opposition in India: that is all; but a permanent Opposition
\nhas all the evils of irresponsible criticism without the advantages of a real
\nOpposition which can some day hope to be the Government, and whom this
\npossibility always makes sober and responsible. "The policy proposed by the
\nCongress," says the Times<\/i>, <\/i>"is a policy for bringing the
\nGovernment into disrepute without the safeguards which all popular constitutions
\nprovide; it is a policy for generating steam without the precaution<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage-152<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\nof
\nsupplying safety-valves;" and the justice of this criticism cannot be
\nhonestly denied.<\/font><\/p>\n


\n           
\n<\/font>
\n<\/span>If Mr. Gokhale’s programme does not guarantee any benefit to the
\nGovernment, neither is it likely to confer any benefit on the people except, of
\ncourse, on a handful of men who shall enjoy the luxury of being Hon’bles and get
\nenlarged opportunities of recommending their friends, relatives and prot\u00e9<\/span>g\u00e9<\/span>s
\nfor office under the Government. The people will take little interest in
\nthese
\nCouncil-elections, because they will soon find out<\/span>
\n<\/span>\u2014<\/span>
\n<\/span>as they <\/span>have
\nalready done in Bengal, that the elected members cannot carry any popular
\nmeasure successfully through the Council or oppose effectively even the most
\nmischievous ones. Mr. Gokhale is not only anxious to keep the elected members
\nperpetually in the minority, but though he wants them to be vested with the
\nright of moving amendments on the Budget, the Viceroy must have the right of
\nvetoing them even if they are carried. The fact is, there is absolutely no
\nseriousness about the whole thing. It is all to be a mere child’s play. Or, Mr.
\nGokhale thinks, perhaps, that by gradually securing these so-called rights, he
\nwill ultimately get real constitutional rights and privileges from his British
\nmasters, but he forgets that these masters have never in the past done anything
\nthat has directly affected their interests and status as a sovereign power, nor
\nwill they do any such thing in the future, unless, of course, they are compelled
\nto do it, by apprehensions of some great loss or danger. As for the idea that
\nthis so-called reform in the Legislative Council will, in any way, make for
\npopular freedom by educating the people, that also is evidently without any
\nreasonable justification for its success; for, as the Times <\/i>very justly
\npoints out, Mr. Gokhale’s programme has no room for any real political education
\nfor the people. To quote it in full: \u2014<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\n            "Nor
\nis the policy one which offers any substantial advantage to the people of India;
\nit gives them increased opportunities of criticism but no increase of
\nresponsibility; it does nothing to give the people that education in politics
\nwhich is essential if… they are now for the first time to have some share in
\nthe management of their own affairs. By the scheme under consideration the<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage-153<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\nleaders
\nof Indian opinion would not acquire that sense of responsibility which
\nnecessarily comes to men who expect that they will shortly be in power
\nthemselves; they are to have opportunities for finding fault with the Government
\nbut they will never have to make their words good; they can with a light heart
\ndemand a reduction of taxation or denounce the Government for not putting a stop
\nto famines, because they know that they can never themselves be called upon to
\nprove that these reforms are practicable. It is the prospect of office which
\nsobers <\/span>
\nand
\nrestrains a European Opposition! Is it wise to assume <\/span>that
\nIndian politicians will be moderate and without this restraint?"<\/font><\/p>\n


\n           
\n<\/font>
\n<\/span>And the justice of this criticism who will deny? Mr. Gokhale’s programme
\nif accepted by Government, can have only one effect on the growth of public
\nopinion and political life in India: it will prove the utter futility of any
\nhalf-measures like these to secure real and substantial rights for the people.
\nSuch an education through failure was needed twenty-five years ago, when people
\nstill had faith in British shibboleths or had confidence in British character
\nand British policy; it is absolutely needless and involves sheer waste of time
\nand energy that have much greater calls on them for more substantial and urgent
\nwork now, \u2014<\/span> today when the people have already commenced to
\nrealise that their future must be shaped by themselves, without any help from
\ntheir British masters, and indeed in spite of the most violent opposition that
\nwill, naturally, be offered by them. Mr. Gokhale’s creed and his policy are
\nanachronisms in the India of 1906; the one stands absolutely discredited with
\nthe people, the other is declared unwise and impracticable by the Government.
\nThe Congress must give these up, or continue as an effete anachronism in the
\ncountry, or probably turn by the logic of this creed and this policy, into a
\nloyalist opposition to all true and forceful popular movement and propaganda in
\nIndia. Can we afford to allow an institution that we have all served so
\nfaithfully all these years, and that may at once become an organised institution
\nof popular deliberation and effective public life, to grow<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage-154<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\neffete
\nand useless? Much less can we afford to place it in the hands of the enemies of
\npopular freedom. That is the question before the country now. The coming
\nCongress in Calcutta will perhaps decide this question. Friends of popular
\nfreedom should understand this and gather their forces accordingly for saving
\nthe Congress from both these calamities.<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\nBy The Way<\/a><\/font><\/b><\/p>\n


\n <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/b><\/p>\n

\nThe
\nMirror <\/i>complains piteously that the country is in the hands of extremists
\non one side and ultra-moderates on the other, while the voices of sitters on the
\nfence, like the Indian Mirror<\/i>, <\/i>go totally unheard. It is hard on our
\ncontemporary. But he should
\nrealise that a time has come in the history of the nation when men must take one
\nside or the other, if they wish to count for anything in the making of the
\nfuture. To preside at a boycott meeting and disparage the boycott is a course
\nwhich the politician concerned may reconcile with his own conscience, but it is
\nnot likely to increase the weight of his influence with his countrymen.<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\n*<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n


\n           
\n<\/font>
\n<\/span>We are surprised to see the Pioneer <\/i>join in the extraordinary can-can
\n<\/i>which the Englishman <\/i>has been performing ever since the Fuller
\ndismissal. We were accustomed to regard the Pioneer <\/i>as a sober and
\nwell-conducted journal, though its political views are no less pernicious than
\nthe Englishman<\/i>‘s; <\/i>but it is surpassing Hare Street itself in journalistic
\nhigh-kicks. "Beware, beware, Bengalis," it shouts, "if you rebel,
\nwe will exterminate you with fire and sword, we will outdo the atrocities we
\ncommitted during the Mutiny; we are tigers, we are tigers! Look at our
\nclaws." All this is very bloody indeed and paints the Pioneer <\/i>one
\nred. But it does seem as if Anglo-India had gone clean mad. Such a pitiful
\nexhibition will not increase the respect of the subject race for its rulers.<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\n*<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage-<\/font><\/span>155<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\nThe Indian Mirror <\/i>comes out with an article on the selfishness of
\nIndian patriots. According to this self-satisfied critic Mr. T. Palit and the Indian
\nMirror <\/i>are the only unselfish men in Bengal. Raja Subodh Mullick and
\nBrajendra Kishore of Gauripore are notoriety-hunters who have chosen to pay
\nheavily in cash and land for the titles of Raja and Maharaja. Babu Shishir Kumar
\nGhose is a humbug who poses as an Avatar; Babu Surendranath Banerji is a humbug
\nwho poses as a Martyr; there is a third patriotic humbug somewhere who poses as
\na Hero, \u2014 we cannot fix this gentleman at present. The country does not want
\nthese gentlemen at all; it wants people who can dare and die for their country.
\nWhether this dying is to come about by fire and sword, and the claws of the
\nBritish tiger, as the Pioneer <\/i>threatens, or by influenza, cholera or
\nfright, is not clear. We gather, however, that Mr. Palit and Babu Narendranath
\nSen have entered into a league to dare and die for their country, and we rejoice
\nto hear it. While waiting for this glorious consummation, we would suggest to
\nthe latter that he might expect his martyrdom with more meekness and, secondly,
\nthat if he has to attack people, he might just as well cross his t’s and dot his
\ni’s instead of employing the method of half-veiled allusions. It is a method
\nwhich some people might call cowardly.<\/font><\/p>\n


\n           
\n<\/font>
\n<\/span>The Englishman <\/i>still pegs away at his portentous discovery of a
\nsecret society with the romantic name. His knowledge about it increases every
\nday. It is not a Chinsurah society, it appears, but a Calcutta affair which is
\nespecially active in Mymensingh. This ubiquitous monster seems to be under the
\ndirection of Tibetans: probably the Tashi Lama formed it when he came to
\nCalcutta. For it appears that the word "Golden" is a piece of Oriental
\nsymbolism and is employed by the Tibetans to signify men who are sworn to die
\nfor this or that purpose. As a matter of fact, the word Sonar <\/i>is an
\nordinary Bengali term of pride and affection no more mystic or symbolic than
\nShakespeare’s "golden lads and girls". The Englishman <\/i>seems
\ndetermined to supply the absence of a good comic paper in Calcutta. Apparently
\nits descent to anna-price has not increased its circulation.<\/font><\/p>\n


\nBande
\nMataram<\/i>,
\n<\/i> <\/font>September 8, 1906<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage-156<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n
\nThe
\n"Sanjibani" on Mr. Tilak<\/a><\/b><\/font><\/p>\n


\n <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/b><\/p>\n

\nThe
\nSanjibani <\/i>pronounces in its last issue against Mr. Tilak, on the ground
\nthat he is unpopular. But unpopular with whom? With a certain section of the old
\nCongress leaders. Is then unpopularity with a section to be a bar against
\nfilling the Presidential chair? If so, the circle of choice will become
\nextremely limited; for just as there are some leaders who are unpopular with the
\nultra-moderate section, there are others who are unpopular with the advanced
\nsection. Mr. Gokhale, for instance, is by no means popular in his own country,
\nthe Deccan, especially since his notorious apology. His support of the boycott,
\nqualified though it be, has somewhat rehabilitated him in the eyes of many, but
\nhe is still strongly distrusted by great numbers. Yet none dreamed of opposing
\nhis selection to the Presidential chair, on the mere ground of a partial
\nunpopularity. If, however, the Congress leaders are going to publicly proclaim
\nsuch a principle, it will be applied freely on both sides and the treasured
\n"unanimity" of the Congress will disappear.<\/font><\/p>\n


\n <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/b><\/p>\n

Secret Tactics<\/a><\/font><\/h2>\n


\n <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/b><\/p>\n

\nThe
\ntelegram from our correspondent in Mymensingh, which we publish in another
\ncolumn, is extremely significant. It is now an open secret throughout the
\ncountry that the Swadeshi movement has developed two distinct parties in the
\ncountry. One of these desires to use Boycott as a political weapon merely in
\norder to force on the annulment of the Partition and there finish; its quarrel
\nwith the bureaucracy is a passing quarrel and it is ready to be again hand in
\nglove with the Government as soon as its turn is served; it still desires to sit
\non the Legislative Councils, figure on the Municipalities, and carryon politics
\nby meetings and petitions. The other party will be satisfied with nothing less
\nthan absolute control over our own affairs and is not willing to help the
\nGovernment to put off the inevitable day when that demand must be conceded; it
\nis therefore opposed to any co-operation with the Government or to the adoption
\nof a suppliant attitude in our re-<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage-157<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\nlations
\nto the Government; it desires the Boycott as a necessary part of our economic
\nself-development and by no means to be relinquished even if the Partition be
\nrescinded. Here are definite issues which have to be fought out until some
\ndefinite settlement is reached. We desire the issue to be fought out on a fair
\nfield, each party seeking the suffrages of the country and attempting to educate
\nthe great mass of public opinion to its views. Unfortunately, the Leaders of the
\nolder school are not willing to give this fair field. They prefer to adopt a
\nMachiavellian strategy and work in the darkness and by diplomatic strokes and
\nsecret coup
\nď<\/font>\u00e9<\/span>tat<\/i>. <\/i>They do not wish to work with the
\nprominent and most militant members of the new school on the Reception
\nCommittee, they will not admit the country to their councils for fear the
\nstrength of the new school might increase, and they attempt to follow the
\nexample of the Fuller Government, to prevent them from holding public meetings.
\nRecently the new school have put forward Mr. Tilak as the fittest name for the
\nPresidentship, and the country has already begun to respond to the suggestion.
\nThe old leaders cannot publicly confess their reasons for not desiring Mr.
\nTilak, but they seem to be attempting cleverly to get out of the difficulty by
\nbringing Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji over from England. We should have thought the
\nGrand Old Man of India was a name too universally revered to be made the
\nstalking-horse of a party move. But quite apart from this aspect of the
\nquestion, we would draw attention to the indecorous and backstairs manner in
\nwhich this important step is being made. It is the work of the Reception
\nCommittee to propose a President for the Congress; but the old leaders have been
\ncarefully avoiding any meeting of the Reception Committee and are meanwhile
\nmaking all arrangements for the Congress and Exhibition secretly, unconstitutionally, and among a small clique. Had the name of Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji
\nbeen proposed constitutionally in the Reception Committee, all would have been
\nwell; as it is, the most venerable name in India is in danger of being
\nassociated with a party stratagem carried through by unconstitutional means.
\nMeanwhile, there is no reason why the meetings for Mr. Tilak’s Presidentship
\nshould not be proceeded with; until the Reception Committee meets and Mr.
\nNaoroji accepts an invitation from<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage-158<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\nthem,
\nthe question remains open. But the attitude of the old leaders shows a settled
\ndetermination to exclude the new school from public life. If that be so, the
\npresent year will mark a struggle for the support of the country, and the
\ncontrol of the Congress which, however long it may last, can only have one end.<\/font><\/p>\n


\n <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/b><\/p>\n


\nBy The Way<\/a><\/font><\/h2>\n

\n <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\nThe
\nIndian Mirror <\/i>sympathises with the strikers, but is quite opposed to the
\nstrike. Workmen should not combine to get their rights; they must, like good
\nslaves, appeal to the gracious generosity of their masters! The spirit of the
\nserf which governed our agitation in pre-Swadeshi days, still disports itself in
\nthe columns of the Mirror<\/i>, <\/i>naked and unashamed.<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n*<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\nWe
\nconfess the pother the Anglo-Indian press has raised over the matter has
\nsurprised us. A certain amount of ridicule we expected, but that the
\nKamboliatola affair should be magnified into sedition and by people calling
\nthemselves sane! We are informed, though we can hardly credit it, that Hare
\nStreet has been at the expense of telegraphing columns of matter on the subject
\nto England, apparently in order to convince the British public that Bengal has
\nrevolted and chosen a King. Verily, the dog-star rages.<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\n*<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n


\n           
\n<\/font>
\n<\/span>Hare Street, having failed to impress the public with that fire-breathing
\nseditious monster of Chinsurah, "Golden Bengal", turns sniffing round,
\nnose to earth, for a fresh trail, and finds it in our own columns. We also, it
\nappears, no less than Babu Surendranath and "Golden Bengal" have
\ndeclared "open war" against King Edward VII; we wish to get rid of "British control". Beside this the manifesto of "Golden
\nBengal" fades into insignificance. That Indians should openly express their
\naspiration to<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage-<\/font><\/span>159<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\ngovern
\nthemselves and yet remain out of jail is a clear sign that the British Empire is
\ncoming to an end.<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\n*<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n


\n           
\n<\/font>
\n<\/span>The Statesman <\/i>has at last come to the rescue anent the moral
\nbelabouring of Babu Surendranath Banerji for his Shanti-Sechana <\/i>indiscretion.
\nThe Statesman <\/i>sees two dangers looming through the dust which has been
\nkicked up over the affair. One is that the ignorant peasantry may imagine a King
\nhas been crowned in India to whom they must give their allegiance. We confess
\nthis alarming idea never occurred to us; and when we spoke of Surendra Babu as
\nKing of independent Bengal, we thought we were indulging in a harmless jest. The
\nStatesman <\/i>has opened our eyes. It is an alluring idea and captivates our
\nimagination. But what has happened to our sober-minded contemporary? Has the
\nmadness of the Englishman <\/i>infested even him that he should see such
\nalarming visions?<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\n*<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

           The other danger is that the Anglo-Indian Journals in their wild career
\nmay discredit constitutional agitation and play into the hands of the
\nextremists. The extraordinary demoralisation of the Anglo-Indian press has
\nindeed been painfully evident throughout the affair; but the Statesman <\/i>does
\nnot see his friend’s point of view. To Hare Street Babu Surendranath Banerji is
\nnot a moderate and constitutional leader, but a dangerous and fiery red
\nrevolutionist charging full tilt at British supremacy in India, with other
\nrevolutionists more or less scarlet in colour rushing on before or behind him.
\nHare Street has gone mad and, as is natural to a distracted John Bull, sees
\neverything red. Sedition to right of him, sedition to left of him, sedition
\nbefore and behind him, and through it all the Englishman <\/i>like a heroic
\nLight Brigade, charges in for King and Motherland.<\/font><\/p>\n


\nBande
\nMataram<\/i>,
\n<\/i> <\/font>September 10, 1906<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/h3>\n

\nPage-160<\/font><\/span><\/h3>\n
\n

The Question of the Hour<\/a><\/p>\n

<\/span><\/font><\/h2>\n


\n <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/b><\/p>\n

\nThere
\nis every sign that the issue on which the future of the national movement
\ndepends, will soon become very acute. Babu Bhupendranath Bose has put it with
\ngreat frankness when he says that we must act in association with and not in
\nopposition to the Government. In other words, the whole spirit which has
\ngoverned the national movement, must be changed and we must go back to the
\npolicy of pre-Swadeshi days. This then is the issue before us. We declared a war
\nof passive resistance against the bureaucracy on the 7th of August; and we
\nunderstood that the struggle was not to end
\n<\/span>\u2014<\/span>
\n<\/span>till such a regime as Lord Curzon’s should
\nbe rendered for ever impossible in the future. Are we now to declare peace and
\nalliance with the bureaucracy and blot out the last twelve months from our
\nhistory? Babu Ananda Chandra Ray made the proposal a little while ago; a much
\nmore considerable politician makes it today. It is for the country to judge.<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

A Criticism<\/a><\/p>\n

<\/span><\/font><\/h2>\n

\n <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\nBabu
\nNaresh Chandra Sen Gupta, at a meeting of the Students\u2019 Union, made certain
\nremarks upon the new party and the old. The spirit of the remarks was good, but
\nthe information on which they were based seems to be remarkably one-sided. He
\nsaid, for instance: "The old leaders never forgot to take counsel with the
\nnew party; but the new party had spurned the old men." When, may we ask,
\nexcept at Barisal where the new school was in a majority, did the old leaders
\ntake counsel with the new? Since then it has been the deliberate policy of the
\nold leaders to exclude the new party from their counsels, and some influential
\nmen among them have even declared that they will not work with the principal men
\nof that party. We do not pretend to dictate to the old leaders or to the
\nCongress, or to any other public body; we wish to have an opportunity of
\npressing our views on the Congress as the views of increasing numbers in the
\ncountry.<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage-161<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\nThe
\nfuture is ours and we are content to conquer it by degrees. But the
\ndetermination of the old leaders is to give us no foothold on the present. A
\ngreat and growing school of politics cannot consent to be treated in such
\ncavalier fashion.<\/font><\/p>\n


\nBande
\nMataram<\/i>,
\n<\/i> <\/font>September 11, 1906<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage-<\/font>162<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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