{"id":2889,"date":"2013-07-13T01:44:24","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:44:24","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=2889"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:44:24","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:44:24","slug":"227-bande-mataram-24-4-08-vol-06-07-bande-mataram","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/03-cwsa\/06-07-bande-mataram\/227-bande-mataram-24-4-08-vol-06-07-bande-mataram","title":{"rendered":"-227_Bande Mataram 24-4-08.htm"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n\n\n
\n\t\t\t<\/p>\n

\n\tBande Mataram<\/font><\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n\t
\n\t{
\n\tCALCUTTA, April 24th, 1908 } <\/b> <\/span> <\/p>\n

\n

 <\/p>\n

\n
\nParty and the Country
\n<\/b>
\n\t<\/span><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nThe uses of party are a secret known only to free nations which value their freedom above all other things. Men of free minds
\nand free habits are too strong of soul to be the slaves of their party feelings and too robust of mind to submit to any demand
\nfor the sacrifice of their principles on the altar of expediency. It is only in a servile nation unaccustomed to the habits of freemen
\nthat party becomes a master and not an instrument. The strength of mind to rise above personal feeling, the breadth of view
\nwhich is prepared to tolerate the views of others while fighting resolutely, even aggressively, for one’s own, the generosity of
\nsentiment which can clasp the hand of an opponent so long as the claims of patriotism are satisfied, these are qualities that do
\nnot grow in the barren soil of servitude or flourish in its vitiated atmosphere. The pains of wounded vanity are as strong in slaves
\nas in children; the pride which will not forgive defeat, the malice which broods over an affront for ever, the narrowness which
\ndoes not allow good in an opponent or honesty in his opinions, while arrogating all virtues for oneself and one’s party, these are
\nthe growth of the unhealthy air of slavery. So long as these are present, party is a curse because it becomes faction. And without
\nparty self-government is impossible.
\n\t<\/span> <\/p>\n

\nThe growth of parties immediately before the Swadeshi
\nmovement was one of the signs of an approaching awakening in the national mind. When the intellect is stirred and feelings
\nbecome sincere and acute, parties arise, each passionate for its opinions, eager to carry them out, full of enthusiasm for an
\nimagined ideal. The air becomes vibrant with life, the full blast of hope and endeavour fills the sails of destiny and through
\n   
\n\t<\/span><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\n\t
\n\tPage \u2013 1061<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n\ta sea sometimes stormy and never quite placid the ship of a
\nnation’s fate plunges forward to its destination. A political life in which there are no parties is political stagnation, death-in-life. It means that the intellect of the nation is torpid, its feelings feeble and flaccid, its aspirations untouched with passion of
\nsincerity, fervour of hope unawakened, love of the country an inoperative sentiment confined to the intellect only and not yet
\nclose to the heart. The patriot is consumed with the passion to serve his country, to make her great, free or splendid. His
\nbrain is full of plans for the fulfilment of his hopes and he seeks helpers and followers to bring it about, while he tries to disabuse
\nthe country of ideas which he believes injurious to his plans. A Mazzini planning the republican freedom of Italy creates the
\nparty of New Italy, a Garibaldi filled with the same hope but bent on freedom first and republicanism afterwards forms his
\nLegion of Red Shirts and holds the balance of parties, a Cavour full of grandiose schemes of a Kingdom of Italy leads the old
\nmonarchical sentiment of Piedmont and all that gathers round it. These parties fear and distrust each other, but all have one clear
\nand unmistakable purpose, the freedom of Italy, and work for it, each doing something towards the common end which the others
\ncould not have done. Thus the purpose of God works itself out and not the purpose of Mazzini, or the purpose of Garibaldi, or
\nthe purpose of Cavour. Parties are necessary but they must have a common end overriding their specific differences, the freedom,
\ngreatness and splendour of their motherland. Only one party is inexcusable,
\n\tinadmissible, not to be parleyed with, the party which is against freedom,
\n\tthe party which seeks to perpetuate national slavery. <\/span><\/p>\n

\n\tIn India today there are in appearance two parties at issue over the destiny
\n\tof the country. One puts Swaraj as its goal, the other a modified freedom
\n\tunder the supreme control of a paramount and protecting Britain. Men of both
\n\tparties try to show that their party is that of the true patriots, the other
\n\ta faction fatal to the best interests of the country; both claim the lead of
\n\tthe country, the true right to be the representatives of its feelings and in
\n\tpossession of the future. If they were equally 
\n\t<\/span> <\/p>\n

\n\t <\/p>\n

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\n\t1062<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n\tpatriotic, this opposition would work for the good of the country
\nand not for evil. If both were equally bent on the freedom of their country, they would supply each other’s deficiencies, do
\neach what the other is unfit to do and by their mutual rivalry work out the salvation of their country. The Moderate party
\ncontains a certain number of men who are really patriotic and desire the freedom of their country, whatever they may think it
\nprudent to profess in public. If these men formed the whole or the bulk of their party, the present strife of parties would be an
\nunmixed blessing, but unfortunately for the country there is a large and powerful element which is of a very different stamp.
\nThe representatives of this clique are the true movers of the Convention and their aims are hardly disguised. They do not
\nbelieve in the capacity of their people for self-government or in the desirability of freedom for India and, if they subscribe
\nto the formula of self-government, it is avowedly as a distant millennium which is to be kept outside the pale of practical
\npolitics. Their political aims are bounded by such changes in the existing system of administration as will give them and their
\nclass a greater share in the bureaucratic administration and a safe, easy and profitable road to position, popularity and honours. Patriotism is with them no ideal, no overmastering passion, no duty, but an instrument for advancing certain interests and
\ngaining certain advantages. These men are Loyalists of a baser type, who desire the continuance of the British absolutism out
\nof self-interest and not from any love of it or conviction of its goodness and utility. It is these men who have brought about
\nthe Surat fiasco, the Convention, the creed and the Allahabad constitution, and the Surendranaths and Gokhales have been
\ntools in their hands. Conventionalism is a factor in our politics which makes for reaction, a revolt against the new ideas and
\na direct negation of our future. As such it will serve the ends of bureaucracy, tighten the chain and militate against progress;
\nit can never be a factor helping towards our liberation. If the Bengal Moderates cling to the Convention they too will be no
\nlonger a factor in the work of liberation but an enemy and an obstacle like the Italian Moderates who clung to the Austrian
\n   
\n\t<\/span><\/p>\n

\n\t <\/p>\n

\n\t
\n\tPage \u2013 1063<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n\tdomination as necessary to Italy. They are forfeiting their future
\nwhen they deny the future of their country. If parties are to arise henceforth it must be among those who are the advocates of freedom and workers for freedom, for they alone can differ without faction and work together for a common end on different lines.
\nThose who make the negation of the country’s future the test of admission to their counsels, will themselves be excluded from
\nthe counsels of the Power that is shaping that future. Without them, for they are too feeble to be reckoned as an opposing
\nforce, that which they deny will accomplish itself. <\/span><\/p>\n

\n\t
\n\t__________<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

\n\t <\/p>\n

\n\t
\n\tThe Bengalee <\/i>Facing Both Ways
\n<\/b>
\n\t<\/span><\/p>\n

\n\t <\/p>\n

\n\tWe confess we cannot understand the position taken up by the Bengalee <\/i>in the paragraph we quote on another page. The Bengal
\nModerates at the Convention tried partially but not completely to carry out the country’s mandate, but when they were outvoted, they made no protest and have not separated themselves from the action of the Convention. We take it therefore that
\nwhen the Moderate Convention under the usurped name of the Congress meets at Surat in December, they will take part in
\nit with Dr. Rash Behari Ghose at their head. If so, they sever themselves from the country and forfeit their political future
\nin Bengal, but their position is intelligible. The Bengalee<\/i>, however, talks of reconciliation and the Convention in one breath. It
\ntrusts that the path of reconciliation is not yet definitely closed, although the Convention to which Srijut Surendranath belongs
\nhas definitely enough adopted an exclusion clause and is going to summon a new-born Congress of its own. It is even bold enough
\nto say that the resolution of the Convention does not preclude reconciliation. We find it difficult to command words which
\nwill properly characterize the audacity of this assertion. Does the Bengalee
\n<\/i>imagine that the Nationalists are going to accept
\na Congress called by the Convention, a Constitution framed by a handful of gentlemen meeting at Allahabad and a creed
\nor “statement of objects” which contradict their fundamental   <\/span><\/p>\n

\n\t <\/p>\n

\n\tPage \u2013
\n\t1064<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n\tprinciples? Its appeal to the country to bring about an united
\nCongress stands convicted, coming after such a sentence, as a piece of meaningless vapidity. The
\nBengalee <\/i>evidently wants to
\ncling to the Convention and yet pose as a champion of reconciliation, but this double attitude will not serve. It cannot both
\nhave its Convention cake and eat it.   
\n\t<\/span> <\/p>\n

\n\t <\/p>\n

\n\t
\n\tPage \u2013 1065<\/font><\/span><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Bande Mataram { CALCUTTA, April 24th, 1908 }   Party and the Country   The uses of party are a secret known only to free…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[54],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2889","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-06-07-bande-mataram","wpcat-54-id"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2889","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2889"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2889\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2889"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2889"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2889"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}