{"id":3033,"date":"2013-07-13T01:45:31","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:45:31","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=3033"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:45:31","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:45:31","slug":"57-the-principle-of-free-confederation-vol-25-the-human-cycle","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/03-cwsa\/25-the-human-cycle\/57-the-principle-of-free-confederation-vol-25-the-human-cycle","title":{"rendered":"-57_The Principle of Free Confederation.htm"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n\n\n
<\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tChapter XXX <\/font> <\/b><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tThe Principle of Free Confederation<\/font> <\/b><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tT<\/font>HE ISSUES<\/b> of the original Russian idea of a confederation of free self-determining nationalities were greatly
\n complicated by the transitory phenomenon of a revolution which has sought, like the French Revolution before it, to transform immediately and without easy intermediate stages the
\nwhole basis not only of government, but of society, and has, moreover, been carried out under pressure of a disastrous war.
\nThis double situation led inevitably to an unexampled anarchy and, incidentally, to the forceful domination of an extreme
\nparty which represented the ideas of the Revolution in their most uncompromising and violent form. The Bolshevik despotism corresponds in this respect to the Jacobin despotism of the French Reign of Terror. The latter lasted long enough to
\nsecure its work, which was to effect violently and irrevocably the transition from the post-feudal system of society to the first
\nmiddle-class basis of democratic development. The Labourite despotism in Russia, the rule of the Soviets, fixing its hold and
\nlasting long enough, could effect the transition of society to a second and more advanced basis of the same or even to a still
\nfarther development. But we are concerned only with the effect on the ideal of free nationality. On this point all Russia except
\nthe small reactionary party was from the first agreed; but the resort to the principle of government by force brought in a contradictory element which endangered its sound effectuation even in Russia itself and therefore weakened the force which it might
\nhave had in the immediate future of the world-development.1<\/sup> For it stands on a moral principle which belongs to the future,
\n\t\t\twhile government of other nations by force belongs to the past and
\n\t\t\tpresent and is radically inconsistent with the founding of the new
\n\t\t\tworld-arrangement on the basis of free choice and free status.<\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t1 The component States of Sovietic Russia are allowed a certain cultural, linguistic and other autonomy, but the rest is illusory as they are in fact governed by the force of a
\n highly centralised autocracy in Moscow<\/font>.
\n  <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013533<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\nIt must therefore be considered in itself apart from any
\napplication now received, which must necessarily be curbed and imperfect. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tThe political arrangement of the world hitherto has rested on an almost entirely physical and vital, that is to say, a geographical, commercial, political and military basis. Both the nation idea and the State idea have been built and have worked
\non this foundation. The first unity aimed at has been a geographical, commercial, political and military union, and in establishing
\nthis unity the earlier vital principle of race on which the clan and tribe were founded, has been everywhere overridden. It is true
\nthat nationhood still founds itself largely on the idea of race, but this is in the nature of a fiction. It covers the historical fact
\nof a fusion of many races and attributes a natural motive to a historical and geographical association. Nationhood founds
\nitself partly on this association, partly on others which accentuate it, common interests, community of language, community
\nof culture, and all these in unison have evolved a psychological idea, a psychological unity, which finds expression in the idea
\nof nationalism. But the nation idea and the State idea do not everywhere coincide, and in most cases the former has been
\noverridden by the latter and always on the same physical and vital grounds \u2014 grounds of geographical, economic, political
\nand military necessity or convenience. In the conflict between the two, force, as in all vital and physical struggle, must always
\nbe the final arbiter. But the new principle proposed,2 that of the right of every natural grouping which feels its own separateness
\nto choose its own status and partnerships, makes a clean sweep of these vital and physical grounds and substitutes a purely
\npsychological principle of free-will and free choice as against
\nthe claims of political and economic necessity. Or rather the vital and physical grounds of grouping are only to be held valid
\nwhen they receive this psychological sanction and are to found themselves upon it. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t2<\/sup> This principle was recognised in theory by the Allies under the name of self-determination but, needless to say, it has been disregarded as soon as the cry had served its
\nturn.   <\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013534<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tHow the two rival principles work out, can be seen by the example of Russia itself which is now prominently before our
\neyes. Russia has never been a nation-State in the pure sense of the word, like France, Spain, Italy, Great Britain or modern Germany; it has been a congeries of nations, Great Russia, Ruthenian Ukraine, White Russia, Lithuania, Poland, Siberia,
\nall Slavic with a dash of Tartar and German blood, Courland which is mostly Slav but partly German, Finland which has no
\ncommunity of any kind with the rest of Russia, and latterly the Asiatic nations of Turkistan, all bound together by one bond
\nonly, the rule of the Tsar. The only psychological justification of such a union was the future possibility of fusion into a single
\nnation with the Russian language as its instrument of culture, thought and government, and it was this which the old Russian regime had in view. The only way to bring this about was by governmental force, the way that had been long attempted
\nby England in Ireland and was attempted by Germany in German Poland and Lorraine. The Austrian method of federation
\nemployed with Hungary as a second partner or of a pressure tempered by leniency, by concessions and by measures of administrative half-autonomy, might have been tried, but their success in Austria has been small. Federation has not as yet proved a
\nsuccessful principle except between States and nations or subnations already disposed to unite by ties of common culture, a
\ncommon past or an already developed or developing sense of common nationhood; such conditions existed in the American
\nStates and in Germany and they exist in China and in India, but they have not existed in Austria or Russia. Or, if things and ideas
\nhad been ripe, instead of this attempt, there might have been an endeavour to found a free union of nations with the Tsar as
\nthe symbol of a supra-national idea and bond of unity; but for this the movement of the world was not yet ready. Against an
\nobstinate psychological resistance the vital and physical motive   <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013535<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tslow success as far as the Slavic portions of the Empire were concerned; in Finland,
\nperhaps also in Poland, it would probably have failed much more irretrievably than the long reign of force failed in Ireland, partly
\nbecause even a Russian or a German autocracy cannot apply perfectly and simply the large, thoroughgoing and utterly brutal and predatory methods of a Cromwell or Elizabeth,3 partly because the resisting psychological factor of nationalism had
\nbecome too self-conscious and capable of an organised passive resistance or at least a passive force of survival. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tBut if the psychological justification was deficient or only in process of creation, the vital and physical case for a strictly
\nunited Russia, not excluding Finland, was overwhelming. The work of the Peters and Catherines was founded on a strong
\npolitical, military and economic necessity. From the political and military point of view, all these Slavic nations had everything to
\nlose by disunion, because, disunited, they were each exposed and they exposed each other to the oppressive contact of any
\npowerful neighbour, Sweden, Turkey, Poland, while Poland was a hostile and powerful State, or Germany and Austria. The union
\nof the Ukraine Cossacks with Russia was indeed brought about by mutual agreement as a measure of defence against Poland.
\nPoland itself, once weakened, stood a better chance by being united with Russia than by standing helpless and alone between
\nthree large and powerful neighbours, and her total inclusion would certainly have been a better solution for her than the
\nfatal partition between these three hungry Powers. On the other hand, by union a State was created, so geographically compact,
\nyet so large in bulk, numerous in population, well-defended by natural conditions and rich in potential resources that, if it had
\nbeen properly organised, it could not only have stood secure in itself, but
\n\t\t\tdominated half Asia, as it already does, and half Europe, as it was
\n\t\t\tonce, even without proper organisation and development, almost on
\n\t\t\tthe way to do, when it interfered as armed arbiter, here deliverer,
\n\t\t\tthere champion of oppression in Austro-Hungary and in the Balkans. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t3<\/sup>This could no longer be said after the revival of mediaeval barbaric cruelty in Nazi Germany, one of the most striking recent developments of “modern” humanity. But this
\nmay be regarded perhaps as a temporary backsliding, though it sheds lurid lights on the still existing darker possibilities of human nature.
\n\t\t\t<\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013536<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tEven the assimilation of
\nFinland was justified from this point of view; for a free Finland would have left Russia geographically and economically incomplete and beset and limited in her narrow Baltic outlet, while a Finland dominated by a strong Sweden or a powerful Germany
\nwould have been a standing military menace to the Russian capital and the Russian empire. The inclusion of Finland, on
\nthe contrary, made Russia secure, at ease and powerful at this vital point. Nor, might it be argued, did Finland herself really
\nlose, since, independent, she would be too small and weak to maintain herself against neighbouring imperial aggressiveness
\nand must rely on the support of Russia. All these advantages have been destroyed, temporarily at least, by the centrifugal
\nforces let loose by the Revolution and its principle of the free choice of nationalities. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tIt is evident that these arguments, founded as they are on vital and physical necessity and regardless of moral and psychological justification, might be carried very far. They would not only justify Austria’s now past domination of Trieste and
\nher Slavic territories, as they justified England’s conquest and holding of Ireland against the continued resistance of the Irish
\npeople, but also, extended a little farther, Germany’s scheme of Pan-Germanism and even her larger ideas of absorption and
\nexpansion. It could be extended to validate all that imperial expansion of the European nations which has now no moral justification and could only have been justified morally in the future by the creation of supra-national psychological unities; for the
\nvital and physical grounds always exist. Even the moral, at least the psychological and cultural justification of a unified Russian
\nculture and life in process of creation, could be extended, and the European claim to spread and universalise European civilisation
\nby annexation and governmental force presents on its larger scale a certain moral analogy. 
\n  <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013 537<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\nThis, too, extended, might justify
\nthe pre-war German ideal of a sort of unification of the world under the aegis of German power and German culture. But,
\nhowever liable to abuse by extension, vital necessity must be allowed a word in a world still dominated fundamentally by the
\nlaw of force, however mitigated in its application, and by vital and physical necessity, so far at least as concerns natural geographical unities like Russia, the United Kingdom,4 even Austria within its natural frontiers.5 <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tThe Russian principle belongs, in fact, to a possible future in
\n\t\t\twhich moral and psychological principles will have a real chance to
\n\t\t\tdominate and vital and physical necessities will have to suit
\n\t\t\tthemselves to them, instead of, as now, the other way round; it
\n\t\t\tbelongs to an arrangement of things that would be the exact reverse
\n\t\t\tof the present international system. As things are at present, it
\n\t\t\thas to struggle against difficulties which may well be insuperable.
\n\t\t\tThe Russians were much ridiculed and more vilified for their offer
\n\t\t\tof a democratic peace founded on the free choice of nations to
\n\t\t\tautocratic and militarist Germany bent on expansion like other
\n\t\t\tempires by dishonest diplomacy and by the sword. From the point of
\n\t\t\tview of practical statesmanship the ridicule was justified; for the
\n\t\t\toffer ignored facts and forces and founded itself on the power of
\n\t\t\tthe naked and unarmed idea. The Russians, thoroughgoing idealists,
\n\t\t\tacted, in fact, in the same spirit as did once the French in the
\n\t\t\tfirst fervour of their revolutionary enthusiasm; they offered their
\n\t\t\tnew principle of liberty and democratic peace to the world, \u2014 not,
\n\t\t\tat first, to Germany alone, \u2014 in the hope that its moral beauty and
\n\t\t\ttruth and inspiration would compel acceptance, not by the
\n\t\t\tGovernments but by the peoples who would force the hands of their
\n\t\t\tgovernments or overturn them if they opposed. Like the French
\n\t\t\trevolutionists, they found that ours is still a world in which
\n\t\t\tideals can only be imposed if they have a preponderating vital and
\n\t\t\tphysical force in their hands or at their backs. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t4 <\/sup>Now we must say Great Britain and Ireland, for the United Kingdom exists no longer.
\n\t\t\t<\/font> <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t5<\/sup> Note from this point of view the disastrous economic results of the breaking up of the Austrian empire in the small nations that have arisen in its place.
\n   <\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013 538<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tThe French Jacobins with their ideal of unitarian nationalism were able to concentrate their energies and make their principle triumph for a time by force of arms against
\na hostile world. The Russian idealists found in their attempt to effectuate their principle that the principle itself was a source
\nof weakness; they found themselves helpless against the hardheaded German cynicism, not because they were disorganised,
\n\t\t\t\u2014 for revolutionary France was also disorganised and overcame the difficulty,
\n\t\t\t\u2014 but because the dissolution of the old Russian
\nfabric to which they had consented deprived them of the means of united and organised action. Nevertheless, their principle was
\na more advanced, because a moral principle, than the aggressive nationalism which was all the international result of the French
\nRevolution; it has a greater meaning for the future. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tFor it belongs to a future of free world-union in which
\nprecisely this principle of free self-determination must be either the preliminary movement or the main final result, to an arrangement of things in which the world will have done with war and force as the ultimate basis of national and international relations
\nand be ready to adopt free agreement as a substitute. If the idea could work itself out, even if only within the bounds of Russia,6
\nand arrive at some principle of common action, even at the cost of that aggressive force which national centralisation can alone
\ngive, it would mean a new moral power in the world. It would certainly not be accepted elsewhere, except in case of unexpected
\nrevolutions, without enormous reserves and qualifications; but it would be there working as a power to make the world ready
\nfor itself and, when it is ready, would play a large determining part in the final arrangement of human unity. But even if it fails
\nentirely in its present push for realisation, it will still have its part to play in a better prepared future. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t6<\/sup> The idea was sincere at the time, but it has lost its significance because of the principle of revolutionary force on which Sovietism still rests.
\n   <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013 539<\/font><\/font><\/font><\/font><\/font><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table><\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Chapter XXX   The Principle of Free Confederation   THE ISSUES of the original Russian idea of a confederation of free self-determining nationalities were greatly…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[58],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-3033","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-25-the-human-cycle","wpcat-58-id"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3033","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3033"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3033\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3033"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3033"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3033"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}