{"id":3038,"date":"2013-07-13T01:45:34","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:45:34","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=3038"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:45:34","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:45:34","slug":"33-ancient-and-modern-methods-of-empire-vol-25-the-human-cycle","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/03-cwsa\/25-the-human-cycle\/33-ancient-and-modern-methods-of-empire-vol-25-the-human-cycle","title":{"rendered":"-33_Ancient and Modern Methods of Empire.htm"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n\n\n
\n\t<\/span>
\n\t\t\t\t <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tChapter VI
\n\t<\/font>
\n\t<\/b><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tAncient and Modern
\nMethods of Empire <\/font><\/b><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tA <\/font>CLEAR<\/b> distinction must be made between two political aggregates which go equally in current language by the
\nname of empire. For there is the homogeneous national and there is the heterogeneous composite empire. In a sense,
\nall empires are composites, at any rate if we go back to their origins; but in practice there is a difference between the imperial
\naggregate in which the component elements are not divided from each other by a strong sense of their separate existence in the
\nwhole and the imperial aggregate in which this psychological basis of separation is still in vigour. Japan before the absorption
\nof Formosa and Korea was a national whole and an empire only in the honorific sense of the word; after that absorption it
\nbecame a real and a composite empire. Germany again would have been a purely national empire if it had not burdened itself
\nwith three minor acquisitions, Alsace, Poland and SchleswigHolstein which were not united to it by the sense of German
\nnationality but only by military force. Let us suppose this Teutonic aggregate to have lost its foreign elements and at most
\nhave acquired instead the Teutonic provinces of Austria. Then we should have had an example of a homogeneous aggregate
\nwhich would yet be an empire in the true and not merely in the honorific sense of the word; for that would be a composite
\nof homogeneous Teutonic nations or, as we may conveniently call them, sub-nations, which would not naturally harbour any
\nsentiment of separatism, but rather, drawn always to a natural unity, would form easily and inevitably a psychological and not
\nmerely a political unit. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tBut this form in its purity is now difficult to find. The United
\n\t\t\tStates are the example of such an aggregate, although from the
\naccident of their rule by a periodically elected President and not a hereditary monarch we do not associate the type with the idea
\nof an empire at all.<\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013 312<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font>\t\t\t\t<\/p>\n

Still if the imperial aggregate is to be changed from a political to a psychological unit, it would seem that it
\nmust be done by reproducing mutatis mutandis <\/i>something of the system of the United States, a system in which each element
\ncould preserve a sufficient local State independence and separate power of legislative and executive action and yet be part of an
\ninseparable greater aggregate. This could be effected most easily where the elements are fairly homogeneous as it would be in a
\nfederation of Great Britain and her colonies. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tA tendency to large homogeneous aggregations has shown
\nitself recently in political thought, as in the dream of a PanGermanic empire, a great Russian and Pan-Slavic empire or
\nthe Pan-Islamic idea of a united Mahomedan world.1 But these tendencies are usually associated with the control by this homogeneous aggregate over other elements heterogeneous to it under the old principle of military and political compulsion, the retention by Russia of Asiatic nations under her sway,2 the seizure by Germany of wholly or partially non-Germanic countries and
\nprovinces, the control by the Caliphate of non-Moslem subjects.3 Even if these anomalies were absent, the actual arrangement of
\nthe world would lend itself with difficulty to a remodelling of empire on a racial or cultural basis. Vast aggregates of this kind
\nwould find enclaves in their dominion inhabited by elements wholly heterogeneous to them or mixed. Quite apart therefore
\nfrom the resistance and refusal of kindred nations to renounce their cherished nationality and fuse themselves in combinations
\nof this kind, there would be this incompatibility of mixed or heterogeneous factors, recalcitrant to the idea and the culture
\n\t\t\tthat sought to absorb them. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t1 All three have been broken by the effects of revolution and war, but, if the nation idea dwindled, the last might still at some future date revive: the second, if Communism
\n destroyed the national idea, may still be a possibility. <\/font> <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t2 This has been modified by the substitution of a Soviet Union claiming to unite these Asiatic peoples voluntarily with Russia: but one is not quite sure whether this is a
\n permanent reality or only a temporary apparent phenomenon.
\n3 These two empires have now disappeared and there seems to be no possibility of
\ntheir revival.   <\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013 313<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font>\t\t\t\t<\/p>\n

Thus a Pan-Slavonic empire would necessitate the control of the Balkan Peninsula by Russia as
\nthe premier Slav State; but such a scheme would have to meet not only the independent Serbian nationality and the imperfect
\nSlavism of the Bulgar but the quite incompatible Rumanian, Greek and Albanian elements. Thus it does not appear that this
\ntendency towards vast homogeneous aggregates, although it has for some time played an important part in the world’s history
\nand is not exhausted or finally baffled, is ever likely to be the eventual solution; for even if it triumphed, it would have to meet
\nin a greater or less degree the difficulties of the heterogeneous type. The true problem of empire therefore still remains, how to
\ntransform the artificial political unity of a heterogeneous empire, heterogeneous in racial composition, language and culture, into
\na real and psychological unity. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tHistory gives us only one great and definite example of
\nan attempt to solve this problem on this large scale and with antecedent conditions which could at all afford any guidance
\nfor the vast heterogeneous modern empires, those of Russia, England,4 France to which the problem is now offered. The old
\nChinese empire of the five nations, admirably organised, was not a case in point; for all its constituent parts were Mongolian
\nin race and presented no formidable cultural difficulties. But the imperial Roman had to face essentially the same problems as the
\nmoderns minus one or two very important complications and he solved them up to a certain point with a masterly success.
\nHis empire endured through several centuries and, though often threatened with disruption, yet by its inner principle of unity
\nand by its overpowering centripetal attraction triumphed over all disruptive tendencies. Its one failure was the bisection into the
\nEastern and Western Empires which hastened its final ending. Still when that end came it was not by a disruption from within
\nbut simply by the decaying of its centre of life. And it was not till this
\n\t\t\tcentral life faded that the pressure of the barbarian world without,
\n\t\t\tto which its ruin is wrongly attributed, could prevail over its
\n\t\t\tmagnificent solidarity<\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t4 This empire has so altered its form into that of a free Commonwealth that the objection is no longer relevant; there is no longer an old-world empire but a free Commonwealth and a number of subject peoples moving rapidly towards self-government.  <\/font><\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 314<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font>\t\t\t\t<\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tThe Roman effected his sway by military conquest and military colonisation; but once that conquest was assured, he was not content with holding it together as an artificial political
\nunity, nor did he trust solely to that political convenience of a good, efficient and well-organised government economically
\nand administratively beneficent which made it at first acceptable to the conquered peoples. He had too sure a political instinct to
\nbe so easily satisfied; for it is certain that if he had stopped short there, the empire would have broken up at a much earlier date.
\nThe peoples under his sway would have preserved their sense of separate nationality and, once accustomed to Roman efficiency
\nand administrative organisation, would inevitably have tended to the separate enjoyment of these advantages as independent
\norganised nations. It was this sense of separate nationality which the Roman rule succeeded in blotting out wherever it established
\nits own dominant influence. And this was done not by the stupid expedient of a brutal force after the Teutonic fashion, but by a
\npeaceful pressure. Rome first compounded with the one rival culture that was superior in certain respects to her own and
\naccepted it as part of her own cultural existence and even as its most valuable part; she created a Graeco-Roman civilisation, left the Greek tongue to spread and secure it in the East, but introduced it everywhere else by the medium of the Latin
\nlanguage and a Latin education and succeeded in peacefully overcoming the decadent or inchoate cultures of Gaul and her
\nother conquered provinces. But since even this process might not have been sufficient to abolish all separatist tendency, she
\nnot only admitted her Latinised subjects to the highest military and civil offices and even to the imperial purple, so that within
\nless than a century after Augustus, first an Italian Gaul and then an Iberian Spaniard held the name and power of the Caesars,
\nbut she proceeded rapidly enough to deprive of all vitality and then even nominally to abolish all the grades of civic privilege
\nwith which she had started and extended the full Roman citizen  ship to all her subjects, Asiatic, European and African, without distinction. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013 315<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tThe result was that the whole empire became psychologically and not only politically a single Graeco-Roman unity.
\nNot only superior force or the recognition of Roman peace and good government, but all the desires, associations, pride,
\ncultural affinities of the provinces made them firmly attached to the maintenance of the empire. Every attempt of provincial
\nruler or military chief to start provincial empires for their own benefit failed because it found no basis, no supporting tendency,
\nno national sentiment and no sense of either material or any other advantage to be gained by the change in the population
\non whom the successful continuity of the attempt had to depend. So far the Roman succeeded; where he failed, it was due to the
\nessential vice of his method. By crushing out, however peacefully, the living cultures or the incipient individuality of the peoples he
\nruled, he deprived these peoples of their sources of vitality, the roots of their force. No doubt he removed all positive causes of
\ndisruption and secured a passive force of opposition to all disruptive change; but his empire lived only at the centre and when
\nthat centre tended to become exhausted, there was no positive and abounding life throughout the body from which it could be
\nreplenished. In the end Rome could not even depend on a supply of vigorous individuals from the peoples whose life she had
\npressed out under the weight of a borrowed civilisation; she had to draw on the frontier barbarians. And when she fell to pieces,
\nit was these barbarians and not the old peoples resurgent who became her heirs. For their barbarism was at least a living force
\nand a principle of life, but the Graeco-Roman civilisation had become a principle of death. All the living forces were destroyed by
\nwhose contact it could have modified and renewed its own force. In the end it had itself to be destroyed in its form and its principle
\nresown in the virgin field of the vital and vigorous culture of mediaeval Europe. What the Roman had not the wisdom to do
\nby his organised empire, \u2014 for even the profoundest and surest political instinct is not wisdom,
\n\t\t\t\u2014 had to be done by Nature
\nherself in the loose but living unity of mediaeval Christendom.   <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013 316<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tThe example of Rome has haunted the political imagination of Europe ever since. Not only has it been behind the Holy Roman Empire of Charlemagne and Napoleon’s gigantic attempt and the German dream of a world-empire governed by Teutonic
\nefficiency and Teutonic culture, but all the imperial nations, including France and England, have followed to a certain extent in its footsteps. But, significantly enough, every attempt at renewing the Roman success has failed. The modern nations
\nhave not been able to follow Rome completely in the lines she had traced out or if they tried to follow, have clashed against
\ndifferent conditions and either collapsed or been obliged to call a halt. It is as if Nature had said, “That experiment has been
\ncarried once to its logical consequences and once is enough. I have made new conditions; find you new means or at least mend
\nand add to the old where they were deficient or went astray.” <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tThe European nations have extended their empires by the
\nold Roman method of military conquest and colonisation, abandoning for the most part the pre-Roman principle of simple
\noverlordship or hegemony which was practised by the Assyrian and Egyptian kings, the Indian States and the Greek cities. But
\nthis principle also has been sometimes used in the shape of the protectorate to prepare the more normal means of occupation.
\nThe colonies have not been of the pure Roman, but of a mixed Carthaginian and Roman type. Official and military, enjoying
\nlike the Roman colonies superior civic rights to the indigenous population, they have been at the same time and far more commercial colonies of exploitation. The nearest to the Roman type has been the English settlement in Ulster, while the German
\nsystem in Poland developed under modern conditions the old Roman principle of expropriation. But these are exceptions, not
\nthe rule. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tThe conquered territory once occupied and secure, the modern nations have found themselves brought up short by a difficulty which they have not been able to surmount as the Romans
\nsurmounted it, \u2014 the difficulty of uprooting the indigenous culture and with it the indigenous sense of separateness. All these
\nempires have at first carried with them the idea of imposing their culture along with the flag, first simply as an instinct of the conqueror and as a necessary adjunct to the fact of political domination and a security for its permanence, but latterly with the conscious intention of extending, as it is somewhat pharisaically
\n\t\t\tput, the benefits of civilisation to the "inferior" races.   <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013 317<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font>\t\t\t\t<\/p>\n

It cannot be said that the attempt has anywhere been very prosperous.
\nIt was tried with considerable thoroughness and ruthlessness in Ireland, but although the Irish speech was stamped out except in
\nthe wilds of Connaught and all distinctive signs of the old Irish culture disappeared, the outraged nationality simply clung to
\nwhatever other means of distinctiveness it could find, however exiguous, its Catholic religion, its Celtic race and nationhood,
\nand even when it became Anglicised, refused to become English. The removal or slackening of the foreign pressure has resulted
\nin a violent recoil, an attempt to revive the Gaelic speech, to reconstitute the old Celtic spirit and culture. The German failed
\nto Prussianise Poland or even his own kin who speak his own language, the Alsatians. The Finn remained unconquerably Finnish
\nin Russia. The mild Austrian methods left the Austrian Pole as Polish as his oppressed brother in German Posen. Accordingly
\nthere began to rise everywhere a growing sense of the inutility of the endeavour and the necessity of leaving the soul of the subject
\nnation free, confining the action of the sovereign State to the enforcement of new administrative and economic conditions with
\nas much social and cultural change as may be freely accepted or may come about by education and the force of circumstances.\n\t\t\t\t<\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tThe German, indeed, new and inexperienced in imperial methods, clung
\n\t\t\tto the old Roman idea of assimilation which he sought to execute
\n\t\t\tboth by Roman and by un-Roman means. He showed even a tendency to go
\n\t\t\tback beyond the Caesars of old to the methods of the Jew in Canaan
\n\t\t\tand the Saxon in eastern Britain, methods of expulsion and massacre.
\n\t\t\tBut since he was after all modernised and had some sense of economic
\n\t\t\tnecessity and advantage, he could not carry out this policy with any
\n\t\t\tthoroughness or in times of peace. Still he insisted on the old
\n\t\t\tRoman method, sought to substitute German speech and culture for the
\n\t\t\tindigenous and, as he could not do it by peaceful pressure, he tried
\n\t\t\tit by force. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013 318<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font>\t\t\t\t<\/p>\n

An attempt of this kind is bound to fail; instead of bringing about the psychological unity at which
\nit aims, it succeeds only in accentuating the national spirit and plants a rooted and invincible hatred which is dangerous to the
\nempire and may even destroy it if the opposed elements are not too small in number and weak in force. And if this effacing
\nof heterogeneous cultures is impossible in Europe where the differences are only variations of a common type and there are
\nonly small and weak elements to overcome, it is obviously out of the question for those empires which have to deal with great
\nAsiatic and African masses rooted for many centuries in an old and well-formed national culture. If a psychological unity has
\nto be created, it must be by other means. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tThe impact of different cultures upon each other has not
\nceased but has rather been accentuated by the conditions of the modern world. But the nature of the impact, the ends towards
\nwhich it moves and the means by which the ends can most successfully be worked out, are profoundly altered. The earth
\nis in travail now of one common, large and flexible civilisation for the whole human race into which each modern and ancient
\nculture shall bring its contribution and each clearly defined human aggregate shall introduce its necessary element of variation.
\nIn the working out of this aim, there must necessarily be some struggle for survival. The fittest to survive will be here all that can
\nbest serve the tendencies Nature is working out in humanity, \u2014 not only the tendencies of the hour, but the reviving tendencies of
\nthe past and the yet inchoate tendencies of the future. And it will be too all that can best help as liberating and combining forces,
\nbest make for adaptation and adjustment and for deliverance of the hidden sense of the great Mother in her strivings. But
\nsuccess in this struggle is worst and not best served by military violence or political pressure. German culture for good or ill
\nwas making rapid conquests throughout the world before the rulers of Germany were ill-advised enough to rouse the latent
\nforce of opposing ideals by armed violence. And even now that which is essential in it, the State idea and the organisation of
\nthe life of the community by the State which is common both to   <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013 319<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font>\t\t\t\t<\/p>\n

German imperialism and to German socialism, is far more likely to succeed by the defeat of the former in the war than it could
\nhave done by its victory in a brute struggle. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tThis change in the movement and orientation of the world’s
\ntendencies points to a law of interchange and adaptation and to the emergence of a new birth out of the meeting of many elements. Only those imperial aggregates are likely to succeed and eventually endure which recognise the new law and shape their
\norganisation to accord with it. Immediate victories of an opposite kind may indeed be gained and violence done to the law;
\nbut such present successes are won, as history has repeatedly shown, at the cost of a nation’s whole future. The recognition of
\nthe new truth had already commenced as a result of increased communication and the widening of knowledge. The value of
\nvariations had begun to be acknowledged and the old arrogant claims of this or that culture to impose itself and crush out
\nall others were losing their force and self-confidence when the old outworn creed suddenly leaped up armed with the German
\nsword to vindicate itself, if it might, before it perished. The only result has been to give added force and clear recognition to the
\ntruth it sought to deny. The importance even of the smallest States, Belgium, Serbia,5 as cultural units in the European whole
\nhas been lifted almost to the dignity of a creed. The recognition of the value of Asiatic cultures, confined formerly to the thinker,
\nscholar and artist, has now been brought into the popular mind by association on the battle-field. The theory of “inferior” races,
\nan inferiority and superiority measured by approximation to one’s own form of culture, has received what may well turn out
\nto have been its death-blow. The seeds of a new order of things are being rapidly sown in the conscious mentality of the race. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tThis new turn of the impact of cultures shows itself most clearly where the European and the Asiatic meet. French culture
\nin Northern Africa, English culture in India cease at once to be French or English and become simply the common European
\ncivilisation in face of the Asiatic; it is no longer an imperial domination
\n\t\t\tintent to secure itself by assimilation, but continent parleying
\n\t\t\twith continent. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t5 Now Yugoslavia.   <\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013 320<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font>\t\t\t\t<\/p>\n

The political motive sinks into
\ninsignificance; the world-motive takes its place. And in this confrontation it is no longer a self-confident European civilisation
\nthat offers its light and good to the semi-barbarous Asiatic and the latter that gratefully accepts a beneficent transformation.
\nEven adaptable Japan, after the first enthusiasm of acceptance, has retained all that is fundamental in her culture, and everywhere else the European current has met the opposition of an inner voice and force which cries halt to its victorious impetus.6
\nThe East is on the whole, in spite of certain questionings and scruples, willing and, where not wholly willing, forced by circumstances and the general tendency of mankind to accept the really valuable parts of modern European culture, its science, its
\ncuriosity, its ideal of universal education and uplift, its abolition of privilege, its broadening, liberalising, democratic tendency,
\nits instinct of freedom and equality, its call for the breaking down of narrow and oppressive forms, for air, space, light. But
\nat a certain point the East refuses to proceed farther and that is precisely in the things which are deepest, most essential to
\nthe future of mankind, the things of the soul, the profound things of the mind and temperament. Here again all points not
\nto substitution and conquest, but to mutual understanding and interchange, mutual adaptation and new formation.\n\t\t\t\t<\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tThe old idea is not entirely dead and will not die without a last
\n\t\t\tstruggle. There are still those who dream of a Christianised India,
\n\t\t\tthe English tongue permanently dominating if not replacing the
\n\t\t\tindigenous languages, or the acceptance of European social forms and
\n\t\t\tmanners as the necessary precondition for an equal status between a
\n\t\t\tEuropean and Asiatic. But they are those who belong in spirit to a
\n\t\t\tpast generation and cannot value the signs of the hour which point
\n\t\t\tto a new era.  <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t6 There has been a recrudescence of the Europeanising turn in Turkey and in China reinforced by the influence of Bolshevist Russia. Wherever there is a retardatory orthodoxy
\nto overcome, this movement is likely to appear, but only as a passing phase<\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013 321<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font>\t\t\t\t<\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t\tChristianity, for instance, has only succeeded where it could
\n\t\t\t\tapply its one or two
\nfeatures of distinct superiority, the readiness to stoop and uplift the fallen and oppressed where the Hindu bound in the forms
\nof caste would not touch nor succour, its greater swiftness to give relief where it is needed, in a word, the active compassion
\nand helpfulness which it inherited from its parent Buddhism. Where it could not apply this lever, it has failed totally and even
\nthis lever it may easily lose; for the soul of India reawakened by the new impact is beginning to recover its lost tendencies.
\nThe social forms of the past are changing where they are unsuited to the new political and economic conditions and ideals
\nor incompatible with the increasing urge towards freedom and equality; but there is no sign that anything but a new Asiatic
\nsociety broadened and liberalised will emerge from this travail. The signs everywhere are the same; the forces everywhere work
\nin the same sense. Neither France nor England has the power \u2014 and they are fast or slowly losing the desire
\n\t\t\t\u2014 to destroy and
\nreplace the Islamic culture in Africa or the Indian in India. All they can do is to give what they have of value to be assimilated
\naccording to the needs and the inner spirit of the older nations. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tIt was necessary to dwell on this question because it is vital
\nto the future of Imperialism. The replacement of the local by the imperial culture and as far as possible by the speech of
\nthe conqueror was essential to the old imperial theory, but the moment that becomes out of question and the very desire of it
\nhas to be renounced as impracticable, the old Roman model of empire ceases to be of any avail for the solution of the problem.
\nSomething of the Roman lesson remains valid, \u2014 those features especially that are essential to the very essence of imperialism
\nand the meaning of empire; but a new model is demanded. That new model has already begun to evolve in obedience to the
\nrequirements of the age; it is the model of the federal or else the confederate empire. The problem we have to consider narrows
\nitself down to this, is it possible to create a securely federated empire of vast extent and composed of heterogeneous races and
\ncultures? And granting that in this direction lies the future, how can such an empire so artificial in appearance be welded into a
\nnatural and psychological unit?   <\/p>\n

Page \u2013
\n322<\/p>\n

\t<\/font><\/font><\/p>\n

<\/span>
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t<\/font>\t\t\t\t<\/p>\n

<\/span><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table><\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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