{"id":3041,"date":"2013-07-13T01:45:35","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:45:35","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=3041"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:45:35","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:45:35","slug":"58-the-conditions-of-a-free-world-union-vol-25-the-human-cycle","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/03-cwsa\/25-the-human-cycle\/58-the-conditions-of-a-free-world-union-vol-25-the-human-cycle","title":{"rendered":"-58_The Conditions of a Free World-Union.htm"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n\n\n
\n\t <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tChapter XXXI <\/font> <\/b><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tThe Conditions of a
\nFree World-Union <\/font><\/b><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tA <\/font>FREE<\/b> world-union must in its very nature be a complex unity based on a diversity and that diversity must be
\nbased on free self-determination. A mechanical unitarian system would regard in its idea the geographical groupings
\nof men as so many conveniences for provincial division, for the convenience of administration, much in the same spirit
\nas the French Revolution reconstituted France with an entire disregard of old natural and historic divisions. It would regard
\nmankind as one single nation and it would try to efface the old separative national spirit altogether; it would arrange its
\nsystem probably by continents and subdivide the continents by convenient geographical demarcations. In this other quite
\nopposite idea, the geographical, the physical principle of union would be subordinated to a psychological principle; for not a
\nmechanical division, but a living diversity would be its object. If this object is to be secured, the peoples of humanity must be
\nallowed to group themselves according to their free-will and their natural affinities; no constraint or force could be allowed
\nto compel an unwilling nation or distinct grouping of peoples to enter into another system or join itself or remain joined to
\nit for the convenience, aggrandisement or political necessity of another people or even for the general convenience, in disregard
\nof its own wishes. Nations or countries widely divided from each other geographically like England and Canada or England
\nand Australia might cohere together. Nations closely grouped locally might choose to stand apart, like England and Ireland or
\nlike Finland and Russia. Unity would be the largest principle of life, but freedom would be its foundation-stone.1
\n\t\t\t<\/sup><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t1<\/sup> Necessarily to every principle there must be in application a reasonable limit; otherwise fantastic and impracticable absurdities might take the place of a living truth.
\n   <\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013 540<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tIn a world built on the present political and commercial basis this system of groupings might present often insuperable
\ndifficulties or serious disadvantages; but in the condition of things in which alone a free world-union would be possible,
\nthese difficulties and disadvantages would cease to operate. Military necessity of forced union for strength of defence or for
\npower of aggression would be non-existent, because war would no longer be possible; force as the arbiter of international differences and a free world-union are two quite incompatible ideas and practically could not coexist. The political necessity would
\nalso disappear; for it is largely made up of that very spirit of conflict and the consequent insecure conditions of international
\nlife apportioning predominance in the world to the physically and organically strongest nations out of which the military necessity arose. In a free world-union determining its affairs and settling its differences by agreement or, where agreement failed,
\nby arbitration, the only political advantage of including large masses of men not otherwise allied to each other in a single State
\nwould be the greater influence arising from mass and population. But this influence could not work if the inclusion were against
\nthe will of the nations brought together in the State; for then it would rather be a source of weakness and disunion in the
\nState’s international action \u2014 unless indeed it were allowed in the international system to weigh by its bulk and population
\nwithout regard to the will and opinion of the peoples constituting it. Thus the population of Finland and Poland might swell
\nthe number of voices which a united Russia could count in the council of the nations, but the will, sentiment and opinions of
\nthe Finns and Poles be given no means of expression in that mechanical and unreal unity.2 But this would be contrary to
\nthe modern sense of justice and reason and incompatible with the principle of freedom which could alone ensure a sound and
\npeaceful basis for the world-arrangement. Thus the elimination of war and the settlement of differences by peaceful means would
\n\t\t\tremove the military necessity for forced unions, while the right of
\n\t\t\tevery people to a free voice and status in the world would remove
\n\t\t\tits political necessity and advantage.<\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t2<\/sup> The inclusion of India in the League of Nations has evidently been an arrangement of this type.
\n\t\t\t<\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013 541<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\nThe elimination of war and the recognition of the equal rights of all peoples
\nare intimately bound up with each other. That interdependence, admitted for a moment, even though imperfectly, during the
\nEuropean conflict, will have to be permanently accepted if there is to be any unification of the race. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tThe economic question remains, and it is the sole important problem of a vital and physical order which might possibly
\npresent in this kind of world-arrangement any serious difficulties, or in which the advantages of a unitarian system might
\nreally outweigh those of this more complex unity. In either, however, the forcible economic exploitation of one nation by another,
\nwhich is so large a part of the present economic order, would necessarily be abolished. There would remain the possibility of
\na sort of peaceful economic struggle, a separativeness, a building up of artificial barriers,
\n\t\t\t\u2014 a phenomenon which has been a
\nstriking and more and more prominent feature of the present commercial civilisation. But it is likely that once the element of
\nstruggle were removed from the political field, the stress of the same struggle in the economic field would greatly decrease. The
\nadvantages of self-sufficiency and predominance, to which political rivalry and struggle and the possibility of hostile relations
\nnow give an enormous importance, would lose much of their stringency and the advantages of a freer give and take would
\nbecome more easily visible. It is obvious, for example, that an independent Finland would profit much more by encouraging
\nthe passage of Russian commerce through Finnish ports or an Italian Trieste by encouraging the passage of the commerce of the
\npresent Austrian provinces than by setting up a barrier between itself and its natural feeders. An Ireland politically or administratively independent, able to develop its agricultural and technical education and intensification of productiveness, would find a
\ngreater advantage in sharing the movement of the commerce of Great Britain than in isolating itself, even as Great Britain
\nwould profit more by an agreement with such an Ireland than by  <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013 542<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\nkeeping her a poor and starving helot on her estate. Throughout the world, the idea and fact of union once definitely prevailing,
\nunity of interests would be more clearly seen and the greater advantage of agreement and mutual participation in a naturally
\nharmonised life over the feverish artificial prosperity created by a stressing of separative barriers. That stressing is inevitable in an
\norder of struggle and international competition; it would be seen to be prejudicial in an order of peace and union which would
\nmake for mutual accommodation. The principle of a free worldunion being that of the settlement of common affairs by common
\nagreement, this could not be confined to the removal of political differences and the arrangement of political relations alone, but
\nmust naturally extend to economic differences and economic relations as well. To the removal of war and the recognition of
\nthe right of self-determination of the peoples the arrangement of the economic life of the world in its new order by mutual
\nand common agreement would have to be added as the third condition of a free union. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tThere remains the psychological question of the advantage to the soul of humanity, to its culture, to its intellectual, moral,
\naesthetic, spiritual growth. At present, the first great need of the psychological life of humanity is the growth towards a greater
\nunity; but its need is that of a living unity, not in the externals of civilisation, in dress, manners, habits of life, details of
\npolitical, social and economic order, not a uniformity, which is the unity towards which the mechanical age of civilisation
\nhas been driving, but a free development everywhere with a constant friendly interchange, a close understanding, a feeling
\nof our common humanity, its great common ideals and the truths towards which it is driving and a certain unity and correlation
\nof effort in the united human advance. At present it may seem that this is better helped and advanced by many different nations
\nand cultures living together in one political State-union than by their political separateness. Temporarily, this may be true to a
\ncertain extent, but let us see within what limits. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013 543<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tThe old psychological argument for the forcible
\n\t\t\tinclusion of a subject nation by a dominant people was the right or
\n\t\t\tadvantage
\nof imposing a superior civilisation upon one that was inferior or upon a barbarous race. Thus the Welsh and Irish people used
\nto be told that their subjugation was a great blessing to their countries, their languages petty patois which ought to disappear
\nas soon as possible, and in embracing English speech, English institutions, English ideas lay their sole road to civilisation, culture and prosperity. The British domination in India was justified by the priceless gift of British civilisation and British ideals, to
\nsay nothing of the one and only true religion, Christianity, to a heathen, orientally benighted and semi-barbarous nation. All
\nthis is now an exploded myth. We can see clearly enough that the long suppression of the Celtic spirit and Celtic culture, superior
\nin spirituality if inferior in certain practical directions to the Latin and Teutonic, was a loss not only to the Celtic peoples,
\nbut to the world. India has vehemently rejected the pretensions to superiority of British civilisation, culture and religion, while
\nstill admitting, not so much the British, as the modern ideals and methods in politics and in the trend to a greater social equality;
\nand it is becoming clear now, even to the more well-informed European minds that the Anglicisation of India would have been
\na wrong not only to India itself but to humanity. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tStill it may be said that, if the old principle
\n\t\t\tof the association was wrong, yet the association itself leads
\n\t\t\teventually to a good result. If Ireland has lost for the most part
\n\t\t\tits old national speech and Wales has ceased to have a living
\n\t\t\tliterature, yet as a large compensation the Celtic spirit is now
\n\t\t\treviving and putting its stamp on the English tongue spoken by
\n\t\t\tmillions throughout the world, and the inclusion of the Celtic
\n\t\t\tcountries in the British Empire may lead to the development of an
\n\t\t\tAnglo-Celtic life and culture better for the world than the separate
\n\t\t\tdevelopment of the two elements. India by the partial possession of
\n\t\t\tthe English language has been able to link herself to the life of
\n\t\t\tthe modern world and to reshape her literature, life and culture on
\n\t\t\ta larger basis and, now that she is reviving her own spirit and
\n\t\t\tideals in a new mould, is producing an effect on the thought of the
\n\t\t\tWest; a perpetual union of the two countries and a constant mutual
\n\t\t\tinteraction of their culture by this close association would be
\nmore advantageous to them and to the world than their cultural isolation from each other in a separate existence. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013 544<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tThere is a temporary apparent truth in this idea, though it is not the whole truth of the position, and we have given it
\nfull weight in considering the claims of the imperialistic solution or line of advance on the way to unity. But even the elements
\nof truth in it can only be admitted, provided a free and equal union replaces the present abnormal, irritating and falsifying
\nrelations. Moreover, these advantages could only be valuable as a stage towards a greater unity in which this close association would no longer be of the same importance. For the final end is a common world-culture in which each national culture
\nshould be, not merged into or fused with some other culture differing from it in principle or temperament, but evolved to its
\nfull power and could then profit to that end by all the others as well as give its gains and influences to them, all serving by
\ntheir separateness and their interaction the common aim and idea of human perfection. This would best be served, not by
\nseparateness and isolation, of which there would be no danger, but yet by a certain distinctness and independence of life not
\nsubordinated to the mechanising force of an artificial unity. Even within the independent nation itself, there might be with advantage a tendency towards greater local freedom of development and variation, a sort of return to the vivid local and regional
\nlife of ancient Greece and India and mediaeval Italy; for the disadvantages of strife, political weakness and precariousness of
\nthe nation’s independence would no longer exist in a condition of things from which the old terms of physical conflict had been
\nexcluded, while all the cultural and psychological advantages might be recovered. A world secure of its peace and freedom
\nmight freely devote itself to the intensification of its real human powers of life by the full encouragement and flowering of the
\nindividual, local, regional, national mind and power in the firm frame of a united humanity. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013 545<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tWhat precise form the framework might take, it is
\n\t\t\timpossible to forecast and useless to speculate; only certain now
\n\t\t\tcurrent ideas would have to be modified or abandoned. The idea of a
\nworld-parliament is attractive at first sight, because the parliamentary form is that to which our minds are accustomed; but
\nan assembly of the present unitarian national type could not be the proper instrument of a free world-union of this large
\nand complex kind; it could only be the instrument of a unitarian World-State. The idea of a world-federation, if by that be
\nunderstood the Germanic or American form, would be equally inappropriate to the greater diversity and freedom of national
\ndevelopment which this type of world-union would hold as one of its cardinal principles. Rather some kind of confederation
\nof the peoples for common human ends, for the removal of all causes of strife and difference, for interrelation and the regulation of mutual aid and interchange, yet leaving to each unit a full internal freedom and power of self-determination, would be
\nthe right principle of this unity. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tBut, since this is a much looser unity, what would prevent
\nthe spirit of separativeness and the causes of clash and difference from surviving in so powerful a form as to endanger the
\nendurance of the larger principle of oneness, \u2014 even if that spirit and those causes at all allowed it to reach some kind of sufficient
\nfulfilment? The unitarian ideal, on the contrary, seeks to efface these opposite tendencies in their forms and even in their root
\ncause and by so doing would seem to ensure an enduring union. But it may be pointed out in answer that, if it is by political ideas
\nand machinery, under the pressure of the political and economic spirit that the unity is brought about, that is to say, by the
\nidea and experience of the material advantages, conveniences, well-being secured by unification, then the unitarian
\n\t\t\tsystem also could not be sure of durability. For in the constant
\n\t\t\tmutability of the human mind and earthly circumstances, as long as
\n\t\t\tlife is active, new ideas and changes are inevitable. The suppressed
\n\t\t\tdesire to recover the lost element of variability, separateness,
\n\t\t\tindependent living might well take advantage of them for what would
\n\t\t\tthen be considered as a wholesome and necessary reaction. The
\n\t\t\tlifeless unity accomplished would dissolve from the pressure of the
\n\t\t\tneed of life within, as the Roman unity dissolved by its
\n\t\t\tlifelessness in helpless response to a pressure from without, and
\nonce again local, regional, national egoism would reconstitute for itself fresh forms and new centres. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013 546<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tOn the other hand, in a free world-union, though originally starting from the national basis, the national idea might
\nbe expected to undergo a radical transformation; it might even disappear into a new and less strenuously compact form and
\nidea of group-aggregation which would not be separative in spirit, yet would preserve the necessary element of independence and variation needed by both individual and grouping for their full satisfaction and their healthy existence. Moreover,
\nby emphasising the psychological quite as much as the political and mechanical idea and basis, it would give a freer and less
\nartificial form and opportunity for the secure development of the necessary intellectual and psychological change; for such
\nan inner change could alone give some chance of durability to the unification. That change would be the growth of the
\nliving idea or religion of humanity; for only so could there come the psychological modification of life and feeling and outlook
\nwhich would accustom both individual and group to live in their common humanity first and most, subduing their individual and
\ngroup egoism, yet losing nothing of their individual or group power to develop and express in its own way the divinity in
\nman which, once the race was assured of its material existence, would emerge as the true object of human existence.
\n   <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013 547<\/font><\/font><\/span><\/font><\/font><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table><\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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