{"id":3042,"date":"2013-07-13T01:45:35","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:45:35","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=3042"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:45:35","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:45:35","slug":"37-united-states-of-europe-vol-25-the-human-cycle","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/03-cwsa\/25-the-human-cycle\/37-united-states-of-europe-vol-25-the-human-cycle","title":{"rendered":"-37_United States of Europe.htm"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n\n\n
\n\t\t\t\t <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tChapter X <\/font> <\/b><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tThe United States of Europe <\/font><\/b><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tW<\/font>E HAVE<\/b> had to dwell so long upon the possibilities of the
\n\t\t\tEmpire-group because the evolution of the imperial State is a
\n\t\t\tdominating phenomenon of the modern world; it governs the political
\n\t\t\ttendencies of the later part of the nineteenth and earlier part of
\n\t\t\tthe twentieth centuries very much as the evolution of the free
\n\t\t\tdemocratised nation governed the age which preceded ours. The
\n\t\t\tdominant idea of the French Revolution was the formula of the free
\n\t\t\tand sovereign people and, in spite of the cosmopolitan element
\n\t\t\tintroduced into the revolutionary formula by the ideal of
\n\t\t\tfraternity, this idea became in fact the assertion of the free,
\n\t\t\tindependent, democratically selfgoverned nation. That ideal had not
\n\t\t\tat the time of the great war wholly worked itself out even in the
\n\t\t\toccidental world; for central Europe was only partly democratised
\n\t\t\tand Russia had only just begun to turn its face towards the common
\n\t\t\tgoal; and even now there are still subject European peoples or
\n\t\t\tfragments of peoples.1 Nevertheless, with whatever imperfections,
\n\t\t\tthe idea of the free democratic nation had practically triumphed in
\n\t\t\tall America and Europe. The peoples of Asia have equally accepted
\n\t\t\tthis governing ideal of the nineteenth century, and though the
\n\t\t\tmovements of democratic nationalism in the eastern countries,
\n\t\t\tTurkey, Persia, India, China, were not fortunate in their first
\n\t\t\tattempts at self-realisation, the profound and wide-spread working
\n\t\t\tof the idea cannot be doubted by any careful observer. Whatever
\n\t\t\tmodifications may arrive, whatever new tendencies intervene,
\n\t\t\twhatever reactions oppose, it could hardly then be doubted that the
\n\t\t\tprincipal gifts of the French Revolution must remain and be
\n\t\t\tuniversalised as permanent acquisitions, indispensable elements <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t1 No longer an evident fact, although the
\n\t\t\tsubstitution of a state of vassalage may still be there.    <\/p>\n

<\/font><\/p>\n

<\/span><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t\tPage \u2013 344<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t in the future order of the world, \u2014 national self-consciousness and
\n\t\t\t\tself-government, freedom and enlightenment for the people and so
\n\t\t\t\tmuch social equality and justice at least as is indispensable to
\n\t\t\t\tpolitical liberty; for with any form of fixed and rigid
\n\t\t\t\tinequality democratic self-government is incompatible. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tBut before the great nineteenth-century impulse could work itself
\n\t\t\tout everywhere, before even it could realise itself entirely in
\n\t\t\tEurope, a new tendency has intervened and a new idea seized on the
\n\t\t\tprogressive mind of humanity. This is the ideal of the perfectly
\n\t\t\torganised State. Fundamentally, the ideal of the perfectly organised
\n\t\t\tState is socialistic and it is based on the second word of the great
\n\t\t\trevolutionary formula, equality, just as the movement of the
\n\t\t\tnineteenth century centered round the first, liberty. The first
\n\t\t\timpulse given by the great European upheaval attained only to a
\n\t\t\tcertain kind of political equality. An incomplete social levelling
\n\t\t\tstill left untouched the one inequality and the one form of
\n\t\t\tpolitical preponderance which no competitive society can eliminate,
\n\t\t\tthe preponderance of the haves over the havenots, the inequality
\n\t\t\tbetween the more successful in the struggle of life and the less
\n\t\t\tsuccessful which is rendered inevitable by difference of capacity,
\n\t\t\tunequal opportunity and the handicap of circumstance and
\n\t\t\tenvironment. Socialism seeks to get rid of this persistent
\n\t\t\tinequality by destroying the competitive form of society and
\n\t\t\tsubstituting the cooperative. A cooperative form of human society
\n\t\t\texisted formerly in the shape of the commune; but the restoration of
\n\t\t\tthe commune as a unit would imply practically the return to the old
\n\t\t\tcity state, and as this is not now possible with the larger
\n\t\t\tgroupings and greater complexities of modern life, the socialistic
\n\t\t\tidea could only be realised through the rigorously organised
\n\t\t\tnational State. To eliminate poverty, not by the crude idea of equal
\n\t\t\tdistribution but by the holding of all property in common and its
\n\t\t\tmanagement through the organised State, to equalise opportunity and
\n\t\t\tcapacity as far as possible through universal education and
\n\t\t\ttraining, again by means of the organised State, is the fundamental
\n\t\t\tidea of modern Socialism. It implies an abrogation or at least a
\n\t\t\trigorous diminution of all individual liberty. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t\tPage \u2013 345<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\n

Democratic Socialism still clings indeed to the<\/p>\n

nineteenth-century ideal of political freedom; it insists on the equal right of
\nall in the State to choose, judge and change their own governors, but all other
\nliberty it is ready to sacrifice to its own central idea. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tThe progress of the socialistic idea would seem therefore to lead
\n\t\t\ttowards the evolution of a perfectly organised national State which
\n\t\t\twould provide for and control the education and training, manage and
\n\t\t\tgovern all the economic activities and for that purpose as well as
\n\t\t\tfor the assurance of perfect efficiency, morality, well-being and
\n\t\t\tsocial justice, order the whole or at any rate the greater part of
\n\t\t\tthe external and internal life of its component individuals. It
\n\t\t\twould effect, in fact, by organised State control what earlier
\n\t\t\tsocieties attempted by social pressure, rigorous rule of custom,
\n\t\t\tminute code and Shastra. This was always an inherently inevitable
\n\t\t\tdevelopment of the revolutionary ideal. It started to the surface at
\n\t\t\tfirst under pressure of external danger in the government of France
\n\t\t\tby the Jacobins during the Reign of Terror; it has been emerging and
\n\t\t\ttending to realise itself under pressure of an inner necessity
\n\t\t\tthroughout the later part of the nineteenth century; it has emerged
\n\t\t\tnot completely but with a first rudimentary sketch of completeness
\n\t\t\tby the combination of the inner and the outer necessity during the
\n\t\t\tpresent war. What was before only an ideal towards which some
\n\t\t\timperfect initial steps alone were immediately possible, has now
\n\t\t\tbecome a realisable programme with its entire feasibility
\n\t\t\testablished by a convincing though necessarily hasty and imperfect
\n\t\t\tpractical demonstration. It is true that in order to realise it even
\n\t\t\tpolitical liberty has had to be temporarily abolished; but this, it
\n\t\t\tmay be argued, is only an accident of the moment, a concession to
\n\t\t\ttemporary necessity. In freer conditions what was done partly and
\n\t\t\tfor a time by governments which the people have consented to invest
\n\t\t\twith an absolute and temporarily irresponsible authority, may be
\n\t\t\tdone, when there is no pressure of war, wholly and permanently by
\n\t\t\tthe self-governing democratic State. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t\tPage \u2013 346<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tIn that case the near future of the human group would seem to be the
\n\t\t\tnation, self-governing, politically free, but aiming at perfect
\n\t\t\tsocial and economic organisation and ready for that
\n\t\t\t\tpurpose to hand over all individual liberty to the control of
\n\t\t\t\tthe organised national State.2<\/sup> As France was in the end of the
\n\t\t\t\teighteenth and beginning of the nineteenth century the great
\n\t\t\t\tpropagandist and the experimental workshop of political liberty
\n\t\t\t\tand equality, so Germany has been in the end of the nineteenth
\n\t\t\t\tand beginning of the twentieth century the chief propagandist
\n\t\t\t\tand the experimental workshop of the idea of the organised
\n\t\t\t\tState. There the theory of Socialism has taken rise and there
\n\t\t\t\tits propaganda has been most effective, so that a large
\n\t\t\t\tproportion of the nation committed itself to the new gospel;
\n\t\t\t\tthere also the great socialistic measures and those which have
\n\t\t\t\tdeveloped the control of the individual by the State for the
\n\t\t\t\tcommon good and efficiency of the nation have been most
\n\t\t\t\tthoroughly and admirably conceived and executed. It matters
\n\t\t\t\tlittle that this was done by an anti-socialistic, militarist and
\n\t\t\t\taristocratic government; the very fact is a proof of the
\n\t\t\t\tirresistible strength of the new tendency, and the inevitable
\n\t\t\t\ttransference of the administrative power from its past holders
\n\t\t\t\tto the people was all that was needed to complete its triumph. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tThroughout the recent decades we have seen the growth of German
\n\t\t\tideas and the increasing tendency to follow German methods of State
\n\t\t\tinterference and State control in other countries, even in England,
\n\t\t\tthe home of individualism. The defeat of Germany in the European war
\n\t\t\tno more spelt the defeat of her ideals than the defeat of
\n\t\t\trevolutionary and Napoleonic France by the European coalition and
\n\t\t\teven the temporary triumph of the monarchic and aristocratic system
\n\t\t\tprevented the spread of her new ideas over all Europe. Even if
\n\t\t\tGerman militarism and Junkerism were destroyed, the collapse of the
\n\t\t\timperial form of government can only hasten the more thorough
\n\t\t\tdevelopment and victory of that which has been working behind them
\n\t\t\tand forcing them to minister to it, the great modern tendency of the
\n\t\t\tperfectly organised socialistic <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t2This was done with a stupendous beginning of thoroughness in
\n\t\t\tBolshevist Russia, Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, and the necessity or
\n\t\t\tthe choice of it threatened at one time to spread everywhere. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t\tPage \u2013 347<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\n

State, while the evident result of the war in the nations opposed to her has
\nbeen to force them more rapidly towards the same ideal. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tIf this were all, the natural development of things aided by the
\n\t\t\tfrustration of the German form of imperialism would lead logically
\n\t\t\tto a new ordering of the world on the basis of a system of
\n\t\t\tindependent but increasingly organised national States associated
\n\t\t\ttogether more or less closely for international purposes while
\n\t\t\tpreserving their independent existence. Such is the ideal which has
\n\t\t\tattracted the human mind as a yet distant possibility since the
\n\t\t\tgreat revolutionary ferment set in; it is the idea of a federation
\n\t\t\tof free nations, the parliament of man, the federation of the world.
\n\t\t\tBut the actual circumstances forbid any hope of such an ideal
\n\t\t\tconsummation in the near future. For the nationalistic, democratic
\n\t\t\tand socialistic ideas are not alone at work in the world;
\n\t\t\timperialism is equally in the ascendant. Only a few European peoples
\n\t\t\tat the present moment are nations confined to themselves; each is a
\n\t\t\tnation free in itself but dominating over other human groupings who
\n\t\t\tare not free or only partially free. Even little Belgium has its
\n\t\t\tCongo, little Portugal its colonies, little Holland its dependencies
\n\t\t\tin the eastern Archipelago; even little Balkan States have aspired
\n\t\t\tto revive an "empire" and to rule over others not of their own
\n\t\t\tnationality or have cherished the idea of becoming predominant in
\n\t\t\tthe peninsula. Mazzini’s Italy has its imperialistic ventures and
\n\t\t\tambitions in Tripoli, Abyssinia, Albania, the Greek islands. This
\n\t\t\timperialistic tendency is likely to grow stronger for some time in
\n\t\t\tthe future rather than to weaken. The idea of a remodelling even of
\n\t\t\tEurope itself on the strict principle of nationality, which
\n\t\t\tcaptivated liberal minds in England at the beginning of the war, has
\n\t\t\tnot yet been made practicable and, if it were effected, there would
\n\t\t\tstill remain the whole of Asia and Africa as a field for the
\n\t\t\timperialistic ambitions of the Western nations and Japan. The
\n\t\t\tdisinterestedness that led a majority in America to decree the
\n\t\t\tliberation of the Philippines and restrained the desire to take
\n\t\t\tadvantage of the troubles of Mexico is not possible to the mentality
\n\t\t\tof the Old World, and it is doubtful how long it can stand even in
\n\t\t\tAmerica against the rising tide of imperialistic sentiment.  <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t\tPage \u2013 348<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t National egoism, the
\n\t\t\t\tpride of domination and the desire of expansion still govern the
\n\t\t\t\tmind of humanity, however modified they may now be in their
\n\t\t\t\tmethods by the first weak beginnings of higher motives and a
\n\t\t\t\tbetter national morality, and until this spirit is radically
\n\t\t\t\tchanged, the union of the human race by a federation of free
\n\t\t\t\tnations must remain a noble chimera. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tUndoubtedly, a free association and unity must be the ultimate goal
\n\t\t\tof our development and until it is realised the world must be
\n\t\t\tsubject to constant changes and revolutions. Every established
\n\t\t\torder, because it is imperfect, because it insists on arrangements
\n\t\t\twhich come to be recognised as involving injustice or which stand in
\n\t\t\tthe way of new tendencies and forces, because it outlasts its
\n\t\t\tutility and justification, must end in
\nmalaise<\/i>, resistance and upheaval, must change itself or be changed or
\n\t\t\telse lead to cataclysms such as periodically trouble our human
\n\t\t\tadvance. But the time has not come when the true principle of order
\n\t\t\tcan replace those which are artificial and imperfect. It is idle to
\n\t\t\thope for a federation of free nations until either the present
\n\t\t\tinequalities between nation and nation are removed or else the whole
\n\t\t\tworld rises to a common culture based upon a higher moral and
\n\t\t\tspiritual status than is now actual or possible. The imperial
\n\t\t\tinstinct being alive and dominant and stronger at present than the
\n\t\t\tprinciple of nationalism, the evolution of great empires can hardly
\n\t\t\tfail to overshadow for a time at least the tendency to the
\n\t\t\tdevelopment of free nationalities. All that can be hoped is that the
\n\t\t\told artificial, merely political empire may be replaced by a truer
\n\t\t\tand more moral type, and that the existing empires, driven by the
\n\t\t\tnecessity of strengthening themselves and by an enlightened
\n\t\t\tself-interest, may come to see that the recognition of national
\n\t\t\tautonomy is a wise and necessary concession to the still vital
\n\t\t\tinstinct of nationalism and can be used so as to strengthen instead
\n\t\t\tof weakening their imperial strength and unity. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t\tPage \u2013 349<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\n

In this way, while a federation of free nations is for the present impossible, a
\nsystem of federated empires and free nations drawn together in a closer
\nassociation than the world has yet seen is not altogether impossible; and
\nthrough this and other steps some<\/p>\n

form of political unity for mankind may at a more or less distant date be
\nrealisable.3 <\/sup> <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tThe war brought up many suggestions for such a closer association,
\n\t\t\tbut as a rule they were limited to a better ordering of the
\n\t\t\tinternational relations of Europe. One of these was the elimination
\n\t\t\tof war by a stricter international law administered by an
\n\t\t\tinternational Court and supported by the sanction of the nations
\n\t\t\twhich shall be enforced by all of them against any offender. Such a
\n\t\t\tsolution is chimerical unless it is immediately followed up by
\n\t\t\tfarther and far-reaching developments. For the law given by the
\n\t\t\tCourt must be enforced either by an alliance of some of the stronger
\n\t\t\tPowers as, for instance, the coalition of the victorious allies
\n\t\t\tdominating the rest of Europe, or by a concert of all the European
\n\t\t\tPowers or else by a United States of Europe or some other form of
\n\t\t\tEuropean federation. A dominating alliance of great Powers would be
\n\t\t\tsimply a repetition in principle of the system of Metternich and
\n\t\t\twould inevitably break down after some lapse of time, while a
\n\t\t\tConcert of Europe must mean, as experience has shown, the uneasy
\n\t\t\tattempt of rival groupings to maintain a precarious understanding
\n\t\t\twhich may postpone but cannot eventually prevent fresh struggles and
\n\t\t\tcollisions. In such imperfect systems the law would only be obeyed
\n\t\t\tso long as it was expedient, so long only as the Powers who desired
\n\t\t\tnew changes and readjustments not admitted by the others did not
\n\t\t\tconsider the moment opportune for resistance. The Law within a
\n\t\t\tnation is only secure because there is a recognised authority
\n\t\t\tempowered to determine it and to make the necessary changes and
\n\t\t\tpossessed of a sufficient force to punish all violation of its
\n\t\t\tstatutes. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t3 The appearance of Hitler and the colossal attempt
\n\t\t\tat German world-domination have paradoxically helped by his defeat,
\n\t\t\tand the reaction against him entirely altered the world
\n\t\t\tcircumstances: the United States of Europe is now a practical
\n\t\t\tpossibility and has begun to feel towards self-accomplishment.  
\n\t\t\t<\/font> <\/span><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t\tPage \u2013 350<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t An international or an inter-European law must have the same
\n\t\t\t\tadvantages if it is to exercise anything more than a merely
\n\t\t\t\tmoral force which can be set at nought by those who are strong
\n\t\t\tenough to defy it and who find an advantage in the violation. Some
\n\t\t\tform of European federation, however loose, is
\n\t\t\t therefore essential if the idea behind these suggestions of a new
\n\t\t\t\torder is to be made practically effective, and once commenced,
\n\t\t\t\tsuch a federation must necessarily be tightened and draw more
\n\t\t\t\tand more towards the form of a United States of Europe. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tWhether such a European unity can be formed or whether, if formed,
\n\t\t\tit can be maintained and perfected against the many forces of
\n\t\t\tdissolution, the many causes of quarrel which would for long try it
\n\t\t\tto the breaking point, only experience can show. But it is evident
\n\t\t\tthat in the present state of human egoism it would, if formed,
\n\t\t\tbecome a tremendously powerful instrument for the domination and
\n\t\t\texploitation of the rest of the world by the group of nations which
\n\t\t\tare at present in the forefront of human progress. It would
\n\t\t\tinevitably awaken in antagonism to it an idea of Asiatic unity and
\n\t\t\tan idea of American unity, and while such continental groupings
\n\t\t\treplacing the present smaller national unities might well be an
\n\t\t\tadvance towards the final union of all mankind, yet their
\n\t\t\trealisation would mean cataclysms of a kind and scope which would
\n\t\t\tdwarf the present catastrophe and in which the hopes of mankind
\n\t\t\tmight founder and fatally collapse rather than progress nearer to
\n\t\t\tfulfilment. But the chief objection to the idea of a United States
\n\t\t\tof Europe is that the general sense of humanity is already seeking
\n\t\t\tto travel beyond its continental distinctions and make them
\n\t\t\tsubordinate to a larger human idea. A division on the continental
\n\t\t\tbasis might therefore be from this point of view a reactionary step
\n\t\t\tof the gravest kind and might be attended with the most serious
\n\t\t\tconsequences to human progress. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tEurope, indeed, is in this anomalous position that it is at once
\n\t\t\tripe for the Pan-European idea and at the same time under the
\n\t\t\tnecessity of overpassing it. The conflict of the two tendencies was
\n\t\t\tcuriously exemplified not so long ago by certain speculations on the
\n\t\t\tnature of the recent European struggle. It was suggested that the
\n\t\t\tsin of Germany in this war was due to its exaggerated egoistic idea
\n\t\t\tof the nation and its disregard of the larger idea of Europe to
\n\t\t\twhich the nation-idea must now be subjected and subordinated. The
\n\t\t\ttotal life of Europe must now be the all-engrossing unity, its good
\n\t\t\tthe paramount consideration, and the egoism of the nation must
\n\t\t\tconsent to exist only as an organic part of this larger egoism.   <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t\tPage \u2013 351<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\n

In effect, this is the acceptance after so many decades of the idea of Nietzsche
\nwho insisted that nationalism and war were anachronisms and the ideal of all
\nenlightened minds must be not to be good patriots but good Europeans. But
\nimmediately the question arose, what then of the increasing importance of
\nAmerica in world politics, what of Japan and China, what of the renewed
\nstirrings of life in Asia? The writer had therefore to draw back from his first
\nformula and to explain that by Europe he meant not Europe but all nations that
\nhad accepted the principles of European civilisation as the basis of their
\npolity and social organisation. This more philosophical formula has the obvious
\nor at least the specious advantage that it brings in America and Japan and thus
\nrecognises all the actually free or dominant nations in the circle of the
\nproposed solidarity and holds out too the hope of admission into the circle to
\nothers whenever they can prove, after the forceful manner of Japan or otherwise,
\nthat they too have come up to the European standard. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tIndeed, though Europe is still strongly separate in its own
\n\t\t\tconception from the rest of the world, \u2014 as was shown by the often
\n\t\t\texpressed resentment of the continual existence of Turkey in Europe
\n\t\t\tand the desire to put an end to this government of Europeans by
\n\t\t\tAsiatics, \u2014 yet as a matter of fact it is inextricably tangled up
\n\t\t\twith America and Asia. Some of the European nations have colonies in
\n\t\t\tAmerica, all have possessions and ambitions in Asia, where Japan
\n\t\t\talone is outside the shadow cast by Europe, or in Northern Africa
\n\t\t\twhich is culturally one with Asia. The United States of Europe would
\n\t\t\ttherefore mean a federation of free European nations dominant over a
\n\t\t\thalf-subject Asia and possessor of parts of America and there
\n\t\t\tstanding in uneasy proximity to nations still free and necessarily
\n\t\t\ttroubled, alarmed and overshadowed by this giant immiscence.    <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t\tPage \u2013 352<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t The inevitable result would be in America to bring together more
\n\t\t\t\tclosely the Latin Centre and South and the English-speaking
\n\t\t\t\tNorth and to emphasise immensely the Monroe Doctrine with
\n\t\t\t\tconsequences which cannot easily be foreseen, while in Asia
\n\t\t\t\tthere could be only oneof two final endings to the situation, either the disappearance of
\n\t\t\t\tthe remaining free Asiatic States or a vast Asiatic resurgence
\n\t\t\t\tand the recoil of Europe from Asia. Such movements would be a
\n\t\t\t\tprolongation of the old line of human development and set at
\n\t\t\t\tnought the new cosmopolitan conditions created by modern culture
\n\t\t\t\tand Science; but they are inevitable if the nation-idea in the
\n\t\t\t\tWest is to merge into the Europe-idea, that is to say, into the
\n\t\t\t\tcontinental idea rather than into the wider consciousness of a
\n\t\t\t\tcommon humanity. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tIf, therefore, any new supra-national order is to evolve sooner or
\n\t\t\tlater as a result of the present upheaval, it must be an association
\n\t\t\tthat will embrace Asia, Africa and America as well as Europe and it
\n\t\t\tmust be in its nature an organisation of international life
\n\t\t\tconstituted by a number of free nations such as Sweden, Norway,
\n\t\t\tDenmark, the United States, the Latin republics and a number of
\n\t\t\timperial and colonising nations such as are most of the peoples of
\n\t\t\tEurope. Either the latter would remain, as they now are, free in
\n\t\t\tthemselves but masters of subject peoples who, with the advance of
\n\t\t\ttime, would become more and more intolerant of the yoke imposed on
\n\t\t\tthem or else they would be, by an ethical advance which is as yet
\n\t\t\tvery far from accomplished, partly centres of free federal empires,
\n\t\t\tpartly nations holding in trust races yet backward and undeveloped
\n\t\t\tuntil they arrived at the capacity of self-administration, as the
\n\t\t\tUnited States have claimed to hold for a time the Philippines. In
\n\t\t\tthe former case, the unity, the order, the common law established
\n\t\t\twould perpetuate and be partly founded on an enormous system of
\n\t\t\tinjustice and exposed to the revolts and revolutions of Nature and
\n\t\t\tthe great revenges by which she finally vindicates the human spirit
\n\t\t\tagainst wrongs which she tolerates for a time as necessary incidents
\n\t\t\tof human development. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t\tPage \u2013 353<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\n

In the latter, there would be some chance that the new order, however far in its
\nbeginnings from the ultimate ideal of a free association of free human
\naggregates, might lead peacefully and by a natural unfolding of the spiritual
\nand ethical progress of the race to such a secure, just and healthy political,
\nsocial and economic foundation as might enable mankind to turn from its
\npreoccupation with these lower cares and begin at last that development of its
\nhigher self which is the nobler part of its potential destiny or, if not that, \u2014
\nfor who knows whether Nature’s long experiment in the human type is foredoomed
\nto success or failure, \u2014 at least the loftiest possibility of our future which
\nthe human mind can envisage.   <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t\tPage \u2013 354<\/p>\n

\t<\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font> <\/font>\n\t\t\t\t<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table><\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Chapter X   The United States of Europe   WE HAVE had to dwell so long upon the possibilities of the Empire-group because the evolution…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[58],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-3042","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-25-the-human-cycle","wpcat-58-id"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3042","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3042"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3042\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3042"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3042"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3042"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}