{"id":3058,"date":"2013-07-13T01:45:41","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:45:41","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=3058"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:45:41","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:45:41","slug":"41-the-possibility-of-a-first-step-towards-international-unity-vol-25-the-human-cycle","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/03-cwsa\/25-the-human-cycle\/41-the-possibility-of-a-first-step-towards-international-unity-vol-25-the-human-cycle","title":{"rendered":"-41_The Possibility of a First Step towards International Unity.htm"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n\n\n
\n\t<\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tChapter XIV <\/font> <\/b><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tThe Possibility of a First Step towards
\n\t\t\tInternational Unity \u2014 Its Enormous Difficulties <\/font><\/b><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tT<\/font>HE STUDY<\/b> of the growth of the nation-unit under the pressure indeed
\n\t\t\tof a growing inner need and idea but by the agency of political,
\n\t\t\teconomic and social forces, forms and instruments shows us a
\n\t\t\tprogress that began from a loose formation in which various elements
\n\t\t\twere gathered together for unification, proceeded through a period
\n\t\t\tof strong concentration and coercion in which the conscious national
\n\t\t\tego was developed, fortified and provided with a centre and
\n\t\t\tinstruments of its organic life, and passed on to a final period of
\n\t\t\tassured separate existence and internal unity as against outside
\n\t\t\tpressure in which liberty and an active and more and more equal
\n\t\t\tshare of all in the benefits of the national life became possible.
\n\t\t\tIf the unity of the human race is to be brought about by the same
\n\t\t\tmeans and agents and in a similar fashion to that of the nation, we
\n\t\t\tshould expect it to follow a similar course. That is at least the
\n\t\t\tmost visible probability and it seems to be consistent with the
\n\t\t\tnatural law of all creation which starts from the loose mass, the
\n\t\t\tmore or less amorphous vague of forces and materials and proceeds by
\n\t\t\tcontraction, constriction, solidification into a firm mould in which
\n\t\t\tthe rich evolution of various forms of life is at last securely
\n\t\t\tpossible. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tIf we consider the actual state of the world and its immediate
\n\t\t\tpossibilities, we shall see that a first period of loose formation
\n\t\t\tand imperfect order is inevitable. Neither the intellectual
\n\t\t\tpreparation of the human race nor the development of its sentiments
\n\t\t\tnor the economic and political forces and conditions by which it is
\n\t\t\tmoved and preoccupied have reached to such a point of inner stress
\n\t\t\tor external pressure as would warrant us in expecting a  total
\n\t\t\tchange of the basis of our life or the establishment of a complete
\n\t\t\tor a real unity.  <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t\tPage \u2013 384<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tThere cannot as yet be even a real external unity, far less a
\n\t\t\tpsychological oneness. It is true that the vague sense and need of
\n\t\t\tsomething of the kind has been growing rapidly and the object lesson
\n\t\t\tof the war brought the master idea of the future out of the nascent
\n\t\t\tcondition in which it was no more than the generous chimera of a few
\n\t\t\tpacifists or internationalist idealists. It came to be recognised
\n\t\t\tthat it contains in itself some force of eventual reality, and the
\n\t\t\tvoice of those who would cry it down as the pet notion of
\n\t\t\tintellectual cranks and faddists had no longer the same volume and
\n\t\t\tconfidence, because it was no longer so solidly supported by the
\n\t\t\tcommon sense of the average man, that short-sighted common sense of
\n\t\t\tthe material mind which consists in a strong feeling for immediate
\n\t\t\tactualities and an entire blindness to the possibilities of the
\n\t\t\tfuture. But there has as yet been no long intellectual preparation
\n\t\t\tof a more and more dominant thought cast out by the intellectuals of
\n\t\t\tthe age to remould the ideas of common men, nor has there been any
\n\t\t\tsuch gathering to a head of the growing revolt against present
\n\t\t\tconditions as would make it possible for vast masses of men seized
\n\t\t\tby the passion for an ideal and by the hope of a new happiness for
\n\t\t\tmankind to break up the present basis of things and construct a new
\n\t\t\tscheme of collective life. In another direction, the replacing of
\n\t\t\tthe individualistic basis of society by an increasing collectivism,
\n\t\t\tthere has been to a large extent such an intellectual preparation
\n\t\t\tand gathering force of revolt; there the war has acted as a
\n\t\t\tprecipitative force and brought us much nearer to the possibility of
\n\t\t\ta realised \u2014 not necessarily a democratic \u2014 State socialism. But
\n\t\t\tthere have been no such favourable preconditions for a strong
\n\t\t\tmovement of international unification. No great effective outburst
\n\t\t\tof a massed and dynamic idealism in this direction can be reasonably
\n\t\t\tpredicted. The preparation may have begun, it may have been greatly
\n\t\t\tfacilitated and hastened by recent events, but it is still only in
\n\t\t\tits first stages. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tUnder such conditions the ideas and schemes of the world’s
\n\t\t\tintellectuals who would replan the whole status of international
\n\t\t\tlife altogether and from its roots in the light of general
\n\t\t\tprinciples, are not likely to find any immediate realisation.  <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t\tPage \u2013 385<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\n

In the absence of a general
\nidealistic outburst of creative human hope which would make such changes
\npossible, the future will be shaped not by the ideas of the thinker but by the
\npractical mind of the politician which represents the average reason and
\ntemperament of the time and effects usually something much nearer the minimum
\nthan the maximum of what is possible. The average general mind of a great mass
\nof men, while it is ready to listen to such ideas as it has been prepared to
\nreceive and is accustomed to seize on this or that notion with a partisan
\navidity, is yet ruled in its action not so much by its thought as by its
\ninterests, passions and prejudices. The politician and the statesman \u2014 and the
\nworld is now full of politicians but very empty of statesmen \u2014 act in accordance
\nwith this average general mind of the mass; the one is governed by it, the other
\nhas always to take it into chief account and cannot lead it where he will,
\nunless he is one of those great geniuses and powerful personalities who unite a
\nlarge mind and dynamic force of conception with an enormous power or influence
\nover men. Moreover, the political mind has limitations of its own beyond those
\nof the general average mind of the mass; it is even more respectful of the
\nstatus quo<\/i>, more disinclined to great adventures in which the safe footing
\nof the past has to be abandoned, more incapable of launching out into the
\nuncertain and the new. To do that it must either be forced by general opinion or
\na powerful interest or else itself fall under the spell of a great new
\nenthusiasm diffused in the mental atmosphere of the times. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tIf the politician mind is left entirely to itself, we could expect
\n\t\t\tno better tangible result of the greatest international convulsion
\n\t\t\ton record than a rearrangement of frontiers, a redistribution of
\n\t\t\tpower and possessions and a few desirable or undesirable
\n\t\t\tdevelopments of international, commercial and other relations.<\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t\tPage \u2013 386<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tThat is one disastrous possibility leading to more disastrous
\n\t\t\tconvulsions \u2014 so long as the problem is not solved \u2014 against which
\n\t\t\tthe future of the world is by no means secure. Still, since the mind
\n\t\t\tof humanity has been greatly moved and its sentiments powerfully
\n\t\t\tawakened, since the sense is becoming fairly wide spread that the old status of things is no longer tolerable and
\nthe undesirability of an international balance reposing on a ring of national egoisms held in check only by mutual fear and hesitation, by ineffective arbitration treaties and Hague tribunals and the blundering discords of a European Concert must be
\nnow fairly clear even to the politician mind, we might expect that some serious attempt towards the beginning of a new order
\nshould be the result of the moral collapse of the old. The passions and hatreds and selfish national hopes raised by the war
\nmust certainly be a great obstacle in the way and may easily render futile or of a momentary stability any such beginning.
\nBut, if nothing else, the mere exhaustion and internal reaction produced after the relaxing of the tensity of the struggle, might
\ngive time for new ideas, feelings, forces, events to emerge which will counteract this pernicious influence.1
\n\t\t\t<\/sup> <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tStill, the most that we could at all expect must needs be very little. In the internal life of the nations, the ultimate effects of the
\nwar cannot fail to be powerful and radical, for there everything is ready, the pressure felt has been enormous and the expansion
\nafter it has been removed must be correspondingly great in its results; but in international life we can only look forward at the
\nbest to a certain minimum of radical change which, however small, might yet in itself turn out to be an irrevocable departure,
\na seed of sufficient vitality to ensure the inevitability of future growth. If, indeed, developments had occurred before the end
\nof this world-wide struggle strong enough to change the general mind of Europe, to force the dwarfish thoughts of its rulers into
\ngreater depths and generate a more wide-reaching sense of the necessity for radical change than has yet been developed, more
\nmight have been hoped for; but as the great conflict drew nearer <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t1Written originally in 1916 before the end of the war. This happier possibility could not immediately materialise, but the growing insecurity, confusion and disorder have
\nmade the creation of some international system more and more imperative if modern civilisation is not to collapse in bloodshed and chaos. The result of this necessity has
\nbeen first the creation of the League of Nations and afterwards the U.N.O.: neither has proved very satisfactory from the political point of view, but henceforward the existence
\nof some such arranged centre of order has become very evidently indispensable to
\n\t\t\tits close, no such probability emerged; the dynamic period during
\n\t\t\twhich in such a crisis the effective ideas and tendencies of men are
\n\t\t\tformed, passed without the creation of any great and profound
\n\t\t\timpulse. .<\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013
\n\t\t\t387<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t There were only two points on which the
\ngeneral mind of the peoples was powerfully affected. First, there was generated a sense of revolt against the possible repetition of
\nthis vast catastrophe; still more strongly felt was the necessity for finding means to prevent the unparalleled dislocation of the
\neconomic life of the race which was brought about by the convulsion. Therefore, it is in these two directions that some real
\ndevelopment could be expected; for so much must be attempted if the general expectation and desire are to be satisfied and to
\ntrifle with these would be to declare the political intelligence of Europe bankrupt. That failure would convict its governments
\nand ruling classes of moral and intellectual impotence and might well in the end provoke a general revolt of the European peoples against their existing institutions and the present blind and rudderless leadership. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tThere was to be expected, then, some attempt to provide a settled and effective means for the regulation and minimising
\nof war, for the limitation of armaments, for the satisfactory disposal of dangerous disputes and especially, though this presents
\nthe greatest difficulty, for meeting that conflict of commercial aims and interests which is now the really effective, although
\nby no means the only factor in the conditions that compel the recurrence of war. If this new arrangement contained in itself
\nthe seed of international control, if it turned out to be a first step towards a loose international formation or perhaps contained its
\nelements or initial lines or even a first scheme to which the life of humanity could turn for a mould of growth in its reaching out to
\na unified existence, then, however rudimentary or unsatisfactory this arrangement might be at first, the future would carry in it
\nan assured promise. Once begun, it would be impossible for mankind to draw back and, whatever difficulties, disappointments, struggles, reactions, checks or brutal interruptions might mark the course of this development, they would be bound to
\nhelp in the end rather than hinder the final and inevitable result.   <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013
\n\t\t\t388<\/p>\n

\n

\t\t\t<\/i>
\n\t<\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\t\t\t<\/i> <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tStill, it would be vain to hope that the principle of international control will be thoroughly effective at first or that this
\nloose formation, which is likely to be in the beginning half form, half nebula, will prevent farther conflicts, explosions, catastrophes.2 The difficulties are too great. The mind of the race has not as yet the necessary experience; the intellect of its ruling
\nclasses has not acquired the needed minimum of wisdom and foresight; the temperament of the peoples has not developed the
\nindispensable instincts and sentiments. Whatever arrangement is made will proceed on the old basis of national egoisms, hungers,
\ncupidities, self-assertions and will simply endeavour to regulate them just enough to prevent too disastrous collisions. The first
\nmeans tried will necessarily be insufficient because too much respect will be paid to those very egoisms which it is sought to
\ncontrol. The causes of strife will remain; the temper that engenders it will live on, perhaps exhausted and subdued for a time in
\ncertain of its activities, but unexorcised; the means of strife may be controlled but will be allowed to remain. Armaments may
\nbe restricted, but will not be abolished; national armies may be limited in numbers
\n\t\t\t\u2014 an illusory limitation \u2014 but they will be
\nmaintained; science will still continue to minister ingeniously to the art of collective massacre. War can only be abolished if
\nnational armies are abolished and even then with difficulty, by the development of some other machinery which humanity does
\nnot yet know how to form or, even if formed, will not for some time be able or willing perfectly to utilise. And there is no chance
\nof national armies being abolished; for each nation distrusts all the others too much, has too many ambitions and hungers, needs
\nto remain armed, if for nothing else, to guard its markets and keep down its dominions, colonies, subject peoples. Commercial ambitions and rivalries, political pride, dreams, longings, jealousies are not going to disappear as if by the touch of a
\nmagic wand merely because Europe has in an insane clash of  long-ripening
\n\t\t\tambitions, jealousies and hatreds decimated its manhood and flung in
\n\t\t\tthree years the resources of decades into the melting-pot of war.<\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t2 This prediction, easy enough to make at that time, and the estimate of its causes have been fully justified by the course of events and the outbreak of a still greater, more
\ndisastrous war. <\/font> <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013
\n\t\t\t389<\/p>\n

\n

<\/i> <\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\t<\/i><\/p>\n

The awakening must go much deeper, lay hold upon much purer roots of action before the psychology
\nof nations will be transmuted into that something “wondrous, rich and strange” which will eliminate war and international
\ncollisions from our distressed and stumbling human life. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tNational egoism remaining, the means of strife remaining,
\nits causes, opportunities, excuses will never be wanting. The present war came because all the leading nations had long been
\nso acting as to make it inevitable; it came because there was a Balkan imbroglio and a Near-Eastern hope and commercial and
\ncolonial rivalries in Northern Africa over which the dominant nations had been battling in peace long before one or more of
\nthem grasped at the rifle and the shell. Sarajevo and Belgium were mere determining circumstances; to get to the root causes
\nwe have to go back as far at least as Agadir and Algeciras. From Morocco to Tripoli, from Tripoli to Thrace and Macedonia,
\nfrom Macedonia to Herzegovina the electric chain ran with that inevitable logic of causes and results, actions and their fruits
\nwhich we call Karma, creating minor detonations on its way till it found the inflammable point and created that vast explosion which has filled Europe with blood and ruins. Possibly the Balkan question may be definitively settled, though that is
\nfar from certain; possibly the definitive expulsion of Germany from Africa may ease the situation by leaving that continent in
\nthe possession of three or four nations who are for the present allies. But even if Germany were expunged from the map and
\nits resentments and ambitions deleted as a European factor, the root causes of strife would remain. There will still be an
\nAsiatic question of the Near and the Far East which may take on new conditions and appearances and regroup its constituent
\nelements, but must remain so fraught with danger that if it is stupidly settled or does not settle itself, it would be fairly safe to
\npredict the next great human collision with Asia as either its first field or its origin. Even if that difficulty is settled, new causes
\nof strife must necessarily develop where the spirit of national egoism and
\n\t\t\tcupidity seeks for satisfaction; and so long as it lives,
\n\t\t\tsatisfaction it must seek and repletion can never permanently
\n\t\t\tsatisfy it.   <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage –
\n\t\t\t<\/i>390<\/p>\n

\n

<\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\t\t\t<\/i><\/p>\n

The tree must bear its own proper fruit, and Nature is always a diligent gardener.\n\t<\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tThe limitation of armies and armaments is an illusory remedy. Even if there could be found an effective international means
\nof control, it would cease to operate as soon as the clash of war actually came. The European conflict has shown that, in the
\ncourse of a war, a country can be turned into a huge factory of arms and a nation convert its whole peaceful manhood into
\nan army. England which started with a small and even insignificant armed force, was able in the course of a single year to
\nraise millions of men and in two to train and equip them and throw them effectively into the balance. This object-lesson is
\nsufficient to show that the limitation of armies and armaments can only lighten the national burden in peace, leaving it by that
\nvery fact more resources for the conflict, but cannot prevent or even minimise the disastrous intensity and extension of war.
\nNor will the construction of a stronger international law with a more effective sanction behind it be an indubitable or a perfect
\nremedy. It is often asserted that this is what is needed; just as in the nation Law has replaced and suppressed the old barbaric
\nmethod of settling disputes between individuals, families or clans by the arbitration of Might, a similar development ought to be
\npossible in the life of nations. Perhaps in the end; but to expect it to operate successfully at once is to ignore both the real basis
\nof the effective authority of Law and the difference between the constituents of a developed nation and the constituents of
\nthat ill-developed international comity which it is proposed to initiate. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tThe authority of Law in a nation or community does not really depend on any so-called “majesty” or mystic power in
\nman-made rules and enactments. Its real sources of power are two, first, the strong interest of the majority or of a dominant
\nminority or of the community as a whole in maintaining it and, secondly, the possession of a sole armed force, police and
\nmilitary, which makes that interest effective.<\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013 <\/p>\n

\t\t\t391<\/p>\n

\n

\t\t\t<\/i> <\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\t\t\t<\/i><\/p>\n

\n

\t\t\t The metaphorical sword of justice can only act because there is a real sword behind it to enforce its decrees and its penalties against the rebel and the
\ndissident. And the essential character of this armed force is that it belongs to nobody, to no individual or constituent group of the
\ncommunity except alone to the State, the king or the governing class or body in which sovereign authority is centred. Nor can
\nthere be any security if the armed force of the State is balanced or its sole effectivity diminished by the existence of other armed
\nforces belonging to groups and individuals and free in any degree from the central control or able to use their power against the
\ngoverning authority. Even so, even with this authority backed by a sole and centralised armed force, Law has not been able to
\nprevent strife of a kind between individuals and classes because it has not been able to remove the psychological, economic and
\nother causes of strife. Crime with its penalties is always a kind of mutual violence, a kind of revolt and civil strife and even in
\nthe best-policed and most law-abiding communities crime is still rampant. Even the organisation of crime is still possible although
\nit cannot usually endure or fix its power because it has the whole vehement sentiment and effective organisation of the community
\nagainst it. But what is more to the purpose, Law has not been able to prevent, although it has minimised, the possibility of civil
\nstrife and violent or armed discord within the organised nation. Whenever a class or an opinion has thought itself oppressed
\nor treated with intolerable injustice, has found the Law and its armed force so entirely associated with an opposite interest that
\nthe suspension of the principle of law and an insurgence of the violence of revolt against the violence of oppression were or
\nappeared the only remedy, it has, if it thought it had a chance of success, appealed to the ancient arbitration of Might. Even
\nin our own days we have seen the most law-abiding of nations staggering on the verge of a disastrous civil war and responsible
\nstatesmen declaring their readiness to appeal to it if a measure disagreeable to them were enforced, even though it was passed
\nby the supreme legislative authority with the sanction of the sovereign. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013
\n\t\t\t392<\/p>\n

\n

\t\t\t<\/i>
\n\t<\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\t\t\t<\/i><\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tBut in any loose international formation presently possible
\nthe armed force would still be divided among its constituent groups; it would belong to them, not to any sovereign authority,
\nsuperstate or federal council. The position would resemble the chaotic organisation of the feudal ages in which every prince
\nand baron had his separate jurisdiction and military resources and could defy the authority of the sovereign if he were powerful enough or if he could command the necessary number and strength of allies among his peers. And in this case there
\nwould not be even the equivalent of a feudal sovereign \u2014 a king who, if nothing else, if not really a monarch, was at least the
\nfirst among his peers with the prestige of sovereignty and some means of developing it into a strong and permanent actuality. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tNor would the matter be much improved if there were a composite armed force of control set over the nations and their
\nseparate military strength; for this composite would break apart and its elements return to their conflicting sources on the outbreak of overt strife. In the developed nation the individual is the unit and he is lost among the mass of individuals, unable safely
\nto calculate the force he could command in a conflict, afraid of all other individuals not bound to him because he sees in them
\nnatural supporters of outraged authority; revolt is to him a most dangerous and incalculable business, even the initial conspiracy
\nfraught at every moment with a thousand terrors and dangers that lower in terrible massed array against a small modicum of
\nscattered chances. The soldier also is a solitary individual, afraid of all the rest, a terrible punishment suspended over him and
\nready to fall at the least sign of insubordination, never sure of a confident support among his fellows or, even if a little certain,
\nnot assured of any effective support from the civil population and therefore deprived of that moral force which would encourage him to defy the authority of Law and Government. And in his ordinary sentiment he belongs no longer to individual
\nor family or class, but to the State and the country or at the very least to the machine of which he is a part. But here the
\nconstituents would be a small number of nations, some of them powerful empires, well able to look around them, measure their
\nown force, make sure of their allies, calculate the forces against them; the
\n\t\t\tchances of success or failure would be all that they would have to
\n\t\t\tconsider.   <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013
\n\t\t\t393<\/p>\n

\n

<\/i> <\/font><\/font><\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/i><\/p>\n

\n

And the soldiers of the composite army
\nwould belong at heart to their country and not at all to the nebulous entity which controlled them.\n\t<\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tTherefore, pending the actual evolution of an international State so constituted as to be something other than a mere loose
\nconglomerate of nations or rather a palaver of the deputies of national governments, the reign of peace and unity dreamed
\nof by the idealist could never be possible by these political or administrative means or, if possible, could never be secure. Even
\nif war were eliminated, still as in the nation crime between individuals exists, or as other means such as disastrous general
\nstrikes are used in the war of classes, so here too other means of strife would be developed, much more disastrous perhaps
\nthan war. And even they would be needed and inevitable in the economy of Nature, not only to meet the psychological necessity
\nof egoistic discord and passion and ambition, but as an outlet and an arm for the sense of injustice, of oppressed rights, of
\nthwarted possibilities. The law is always the same, that wherever egoism is the root of action it must bear its own proper results
\nand reactions and, however minimised and kept down they may be by an external machinery, their eventual outburst is sure and
\ncan be delayed but not prevented for ever. <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tIt is apparent at least that no loose formation without a
\npowerful central control could be satisfactory, effective or enduring, even if it were much less loose, much more compact
\nthan anything that seems at present likely to evolve in the near future. There must be in the nature of things a second step,
\na movement towards greater rigidity, constriction of national liberties and the erection of a unique central authority with a
\nuniform control over the earth’s peoples.   <\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tPage \u2013<\/font>394<\/p>\n

\t<\/font>
\n\t\t\t<\/font><\/font> <\/font> <\/font>
\n\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t\t\t<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table><\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Chapter XIV   The Possibility of a First Step towards International Unity \u2014 Its Enormous Difficulties   THE STUDY of the growth of the nation-unit…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[58],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-3058","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-25-the-human-cycle","wpcat-58-id"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3058","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3058"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3058\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3058"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3058"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3058"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}