{"id":3147,"date":"2013-07-13T01:46:18","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:46:18","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=3147"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:46:18","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:46:18","slug":"16-the-possibility-of-a-first-step-towards-internation-unit-its-enormous-difficulties-vol-the-ideal-of-human-unity","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/02-other-editions\/the-ideal-of-human-unity\/16-the-possibility-of-a-first-step-towards-internation-unit-its-enormous-difficulties-vol-the-ideal-of-human-unity","title":{"rendered":"-16_The Possibility of a First Step Towards Internation Unit-Its Enormous Difficulties.htm"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n\n\n
\n

\n
\nCHAPTER XIV <\/font><\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\n
\nTHE POSSIBILITY OF A FIRST STEP <\/b><\/font>
\n<\/span><\/p>\n

\nTOWARDS INTERNATIONAL UNITY <\/b><\/font>
\n<\/span><\/p>\n

\n\u2014ITS ENORMOUS DIFFICULTIES<\/b><\/font>
\n<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\n T<\/font>HE<\/font> study of the growth of the nation-unit under the
\npressure indeed of a growing inner need and idea hut by the
\nagency of political, economic and social forces, forms and instruments shows us a progress that began from a loose formation in
\nwhich various elements were gathered together for unification,
\nproceeded through a period of strong concentration and coercion in which the conscious national ego was developed, fortified and provided with a centre and instruments of its organic
\nlife and passed on to a final period of assured separate existence
\nand internal unity as against outside pressure in which liberty
\nand an active and more and more equal share of all in the benefits of the national life became possible. If the unity of the
\nhuman race is to be brought about by the same means and agents
\nand in a similar fashion to that of the nation, we should expect
\nit to follow a similar course. That is at least the most visible probability and it seems to be consistent with the natural law of all
\ncreation which starts from the loose mass, the more or less amorphous vague of forces and materials and proceeds by contraction,
\nconstriction, solidification into a firm mould in which the rich
\nevolution of various forms of life is at last securely possible. <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nIf we consider the actual state of the world and its immediate possibilities, we shall see that a first period of loose formation and
\nimperfect order is inevitable. Neither the intellectual preparation of the human race nor the development of its sentiments nor the economic and political forces and conditions
\nby <\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\nPage-126<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n
\nwhich it is moved and preoccupied have reached to such a point
\nof inner stress or external pressure as would warrant us in expecting a total change of the basis of our life or the establishment of
\ncomplete or a real unity. There cannot as yet be even a real
\nexternal unity, far less a psychological oneness. It is true that the
\nvague sense and need of something of the kind has been growing rapidly and the object lesson of the war brought the master idea
\nof the future out of the nascent condition in which it was no
\nmore than the generous chimera of a few pacifists or internationalist idealists. It came to be recognised that it contains in itself
\nsome force of eventual reality and the voice of those who cry
\nit down as the pet notion of intellectual cranks and faddists had
\nno longer the same volume and confidence, because it was no
\nlonger so solidly supported by the common sense of the average
\nman, that short-sighted common sense of the material mind
\nwhich consists in a strong feeling for immediate actualities and
\nan entire blindness to the possibilities of the future. But there
\nhas as yet been no long intellectual preparation of a more and
\nmore dominant thought cast out by the intellectuals of the age
\nto remould the ideas of common men, nor has there been any
\nsuch gathering to a head of the growing revolt against present
\nconditions as would make it possible for vast masses of men
\nseized by the passion for an ideal and by the hope of a new happiness for mankind to break up the present basis of things and
\nconstruct a new scheme of collective life. In another direction,
\nthe replacing of the individualistic basis of society by an increasing collectivism, there has been to a large extent such an intellectual preparation and gathering force of revolt; there the war
\nhas acted as a precipitative force and brought us much nearer
\nto the possibility of a realised\u2014not necessarily a democratic\u2014 State socialism. But there have been no such favourable preconditions for a strong movement of international unification.
\nNo great effective outburst of a massed and dynamic idealism in
\nthis direction can be reasonably predicted. The preparation may have begun, it may have been greatly facilitated and hastened
\nby recent events, but it is still only in its first stages. <\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\nPage-127<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n
\nUnder such conditions the ideas and schemes of the
\nworld’s intellectuals who would replan the whole status of international life
\naltogether and form its roots in the light of general principle,
\nare not likely to find any immediate realisation. In the absence
\nof a general idealistic outburst of human hope which would make such changes
\npossible, the future will be shaped not by the ideals
\nof the thinker but by the practical mind of the politician which
\nrepresents the average reason and temperament of the time and
\neffects usually something much nearer the minimum than the
\nmaximum of what is possible. The average general mind of a
\ngreat mass of men, while it is ready to listen to such ideas as it
\nhas been prepared to receive and is accustomed to seize on this
\nor that notion with a partisan avidity, is yet ruled in its action
\nnot so much by its thought as by its interests, passions and prejudices. The politician and the statesman\u2014and the world is now
\nfull of politicians but very empty of statesmen\u2014act in accordance
\nwith this average general mind of the mass; the one is governed
\nby it, the other has always to take it into chief account and cannot lead it where he will, unless he is one of those great geniuses
\nand powerful personalities who unite a large mind and dynamic
\nforce of conception with an enormous power or influence over
\nmen. Moreover, the political mind has limitations of its own
\nbeyond those of the general average mind of the mass; it is even
\nmore respectful of the status quo,<\/i> more disinclined to great adventure in which the safe footing of the past has to be abandoned,
\nmore incapable of launching out into the uncertain and the new.
\nTo do that it must either be forced by general opinion or a powerful interest or else itself fall under the spell of a great new enthusiasm diffused in the mental atmosphere of the times. <\/font>
\n<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nIf the political mind is left entirely to itself, we could
\nexpect no better tangible result of the greatest international
\nconvulsion on record than a rearrangement of frontiers, a redistribution of power and possessions and a few desirable or undesirable developments of international, commercial and other
\nrelations. That is one disastrous possibility leading to more disastrous convulsions\u2014so long as the problem is not solved\u2014 against <\/font>
\n<\/span><\/p>\n

\nPage-128<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n
\nwhich the future of the world is by no means secure. Still, since
\nthe mind of humanity has been greatly moved and its sentiments
\npowerfully awakened, since the sense is becoming fairly widespread that the old status of things is no longer tolerable, and since
\nthe undesirability of an international balance reposing on a ring
\n<\/b>of
\n<\/b>national egoisms held in check only by mutual fear and hesitation, by ineffective arbitration treaties and Hague tribunals and
\nthe blundering discords of a European Concert must be now
\nfairly clear even to the political mind, we might expect that
\nsome serious attempt towards the beginning of a new order
\nshould be the result of the moral collapse of the old. The passions and hatreds and selfish national hopes raised by the war
\nmust certainly be a great obstacle in the way and may easily
\nrender futile or of a momentary stability any such beginning.
\nBut, if nothing else, the mere exhaustion and internal reaction
\nproduced after the relaxing of the tenacity of the struggle, might
\ngive time for new ideas, feelings, forces, events to emerge which
\nwill counteract this pernicious influence.* <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nStill, the most that we could at all expect must needs be
\nvery little. In the internal life of the nations, the ultimate effects
\nof a war cannot fail to be powerful and radical, for there everything is ready, the pressure felt has been enormous and the expansion after it has been removed must be correspondingly great
\nin its results; but in international life we can only look forward
\nat the best to a certain minimum of radical change which however small, might yet in itself turn out to be an irrevocable
\ndeparture, a seed of sufficient vitality to ensure the inevitability
\nof future growth. If indeed developments had occurred before
\nthe end of this world-wide struggle strong enough to change
\nwe general mind of Europe, to force the dwarfish thoughts of <\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\n *Written originally in 1916 before the end of the war. This happier possibility could not immediately materialise, but the growing insecurity, confusion
\nand disaster have made the creation of some international system more and more
\nimperative if modern civilisation is not to collapse in bloodshed and chaos. The 
\nresult of this necessity has been first the creation of the League of Nations and
\nafterwards the U.N.O.: neither has proved very satisfactory from the political point of view, but henceforward the existence of some such arranged centre of order has become very evidently indispensable. <\/font>
\n<\/span><\/p>\n

\nPage-129<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\nits rulers into greater depths and generate a more wide-reaching
\nsense of the necessity for radical change than has yet been developed, more might have been hoped for; but as the great conflict drew nearer to its close, no such probability emerged; the
\ndynamic period during which in such a crisis the effective ideas
\nand tendencies of men are formed, passed without the creation
\nof any great and profound impulse. There were only two points
\non which the general mind of the peoples was powerfully affected. First there was generated a sense of revolt against the
\npossible repetition of this vast catastrophe; still more strongly
\nfelt was the necessity for finding means to prevent the unparalleled
\ndislocation of the economic life of the race which was brought
\nabout by the convulsion. Therefore, it is in these two directions
\nthat some real development could be expected; for so much must
\nbe attempted if the general expectation and desire is to be satisfied and to trifle with these would be to declare the political intelligence of Europe bankrupt. That failure would convict its
\ngovernments and ruling classes of moral and intellectual impotence and might well in the end provoke a general revolt of
\nthe European peoples against their existing institutions and the
\npresent blind and rudderless leadership. <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nThere was to be expected, then, some attempt to provide a
\nsettled and effective means for the regulation and minimising of
\nwar, for the limitation of armaments, for the satisfactory disposal
\nof dangerous disputes and, especially, though this presents the
\ngreatest difficulty, for meeting that conflict of commercial aims
\nand interests which is now the really effective, although by no
\nmeans the only factor in the conditions that compel the recurrence of war. If this new arrangement contained in itself the
\nseed of international control, if it turned out to be a first step
\ntowards a loose international formation or perhaps contained its
\nelements or initial lines or even a first scheme to which the lit6
\nof humanity could turn for a mould of growth in its reaching
\nout to a unified existence, then, however rudimentary or unsatisfactory this arrangement might be at first the future would
\ncarry in it an assured promise. Once begun, it will be impossible <\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\nPage-130<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\nfor mankind to draw back and, whatever difficulties, disappointments, struggles, reactions, checks or brutal interruptions might
\nmark the course of this development, they would be bound to help in the end rather than hinder the final and inevitable result. <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nStill, it would be vain to hope that the principle of international control will be thoroughly effective at first or that this
\nloose formation, which is likely to be in the beginning half form,
\nhalf nebula, will prevent farther conflicts, explosions, catastrophes.* The difficulties are too great. The mind of the race has
\nnot as yet the necessary experience, the intellect of its ruling
\nclasses has not acquired the needed minimum of wisdom and
\nforesight, the temperament of the peoples has not developed
\nthe indispensable instincts and sentiments. Whatever arrangement is made will proceed on the old basis of national egoisms,
\nhungers, cupidities, self-assertions and will simply endeavour to
\nregulate them just enough to prevent too disastrous collisions.
\nThe first means tried will necessarily be insufficient because too
\nmuch respect will be paid to those very egoisms which it is
\nsought to control. The causes of strife will remain; the temper
\nthat engenders it will live on, perhaps exhausted and subdued
\nfor a time in certain of its activities, but unexorcised; the means
\nof strife may be controlled but will be allowed to remain. Armaments may be restricted, but will not be abolished; national
\narmies may be limited in numbers\u2014an illusory limitation\u2014but
\nthey will be maintained; science will still continue to minister
\ningeniously to the art of collective massacre. War can only be
\nabolished if national armies are abolished and even then with
\ndifficulty, by the development of some other machinery which
\nhumanity does not yet know how to form or, even if formed,
\nwill not for some time be able or willing perfectly to utilise.
\nAnd there is no chance of national armies being abolished; for
\neach nation distrusts all the others too much, has too many ambitions and hungers, needs to remain armed, if for nothing else, <\/font>
\n<\/span><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\n *This prediction, easy enough to make at that time, and the estimate of
\ncauses have been fully Justified by the course of events and the outbreak
\na still greater, more disastrous war. <\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\nPage-131<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n
\nto guard its markets and keep down its dominions, colonies
\nsubject peoples. Commercial ambitions and rivalries, political
\npride, dreams, longings, jealousies are not going to disappear as
\nif by the touch of a magic wand merely because Europe has in
\nan insane clash of long-ripening ambitions, jealousies and hatreds decimated its manhood and flung in three years the resource
\nof decades into the melting pot of war. The awakening must go
\nmuch deeper, lay hold upon much purer roots of action before
\nthe psychology of nations will be transmuted into that something "wondrous, rich and strange" which will eliminate war
\nand international collisions from our distressed and stumbling human life. <\/font>
\n<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nNational egoism remaining, the means of strife remaining,
\nits causes, opportunities, excuses will never be wanting. The
\npresent war came because all the leading nations had long been
\nso acting as to make it inevitable; it came because there was a
\nBalkan imbroglio and a near Eastern hope and commercial and
\ncolonial rivalries in Northern Africa over which the dominant
\nnations had been battling in peace long before one or more of
\nthem grasped at the rifle and the shell. Sarajevo and Belgium
\nwere mere determining circumstances; to get to the root causes
\nwe have to go back as far at least as Agadir and Algeciras. From
\nMorocco to Tripoli, from Tripoli to Thrace and Macedonia,
\nfrom Macedonia to Herzegovina the electric chain ran with
\nthat inevitable logic of causes and results, actions and their
\nfruits which we call Karma, creating minor detonations on its
\nway till it found the inflammable point and created that vast
\nexplosion which has filled Europe with blood and ruins. Possibly the Balkan question may be definitively settled, though
\nthat is far from certain; possibly the definitive expulsion or
\nGermany from Africa may ease the situation by leaving that
\ncontinent in the possession of three or four nations who are
\nfor the present allies. But even if Germany were expunged from
\nthe map and its resentments and ambitions deleted as a  <\/i>European
\nfactor, the root causes of strife would remain. There will still
\nbe an Asiatic question of the near and the far East which may <\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\nPage-132<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n
\ntake on new conditions and appearances and regroup its constituent elements, but must remain so fraught with danger that
\nif it is stupidly settled or does not settle itself, it would be fairly
\nsafe to predict the next great human collision with Asia as either its first field or its origin. Even if that difficulty is settled, new
\ncauses of strife must necessarily develop where the spirit of
\nnational egoism and cupidity seeks for satisfaction; and so long
\nas it lives, satisfaction it must seek and repletion can never permanently satisfy it. The tree must bear its own proper fruit, and
\nNature is always a diligent gardener. <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nThe limitation of armies and armaments, is an illusory remedy. Even if there could be found an effective international
\nmeans of control it would cease to operate as soon as the clash of
\nwar actually came. The European conflict has shown that, in the
\ncourse of war, a country can be turned into a huge factory of
\narms and a nation convert its whole peaceful manhood into an
\narmy. England which started with a small and even insignificant
\narmed force, was able in the course of a single year to raise millions of men and in two to train and equip them and throw them
\neffectively into the balance. This object lesson is sufficient to
\nshow that the limitation of armies and armaments can only
\nlighten the national burden in peace, leaving it by that very fact
\nmore resources for the conflict, but cannot prevent or even minimise the disastrous intensity and extension of war. Nor will the
\nconstruction of a stronger international law with a more effective
\nsanction behind it be an indubitable or perfect remedy. It is
\noften asserted that this is what is needed; just as in the nation
\nLaw has replaced and suppressed the old barbaric method of
\nsettling disputes between individuals, families or clans by the
\narbitration of Might, a similar development ought to be possible in the life of nations. Perhaps in the end; but to expect it to
\noperate successfully at once is to ignore both the real basis of the effective authority of Law and the difference between the constituents of a developed nation and the constituents of that ill
\ndeveloped international comity which it is proposed to initiate. <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nThe authority of Law in a nation or community does not <\/font>
\n<\/span><\/p>\n

\nPage-133<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n
\nreally depend on any so-called "majesty" or mystic power in
\nman-made rules and enactments. Its real sources of power are
\ntwo; first, the strong interest of the majority or of a dominant
\nminority or of the community as a whole in maintaining it and,
\nsecondly, the possession of a sole armed force, police and military, which makes that interest effective. The metaphorical
\nsword of justice can only act because there is a real sword behind
\nit to enforce its decrees and its penalties against the rebel and the
\ndissident. And the essential character of this armed force is that
\nit belongs to nobody, to no individual or constituent group of the
\ncommunity except alone to the State, the King or the governing
\nclass or body in which sovereign authority is centred. Nor can
\nthere be any security it the armed force of the State is balanced
\nor its sole effectivity diminished by the existence of other armed
\nforces belonging to groups and individuals and free in any degree
\nfrom the central control or able to use their power against the
\ngoverning authority. Even so, even with this authority backed by
\na sole and centralised armed force, Law has not been able to prevent strife of a kind between individuals and classes because it
\nhas not been able to remove the psychological, economic and
\nother causes of strife. Crime with its penalties is always a kind
\nof mutual violence, a kind of revolt and civil strife and even in
\nthe best-policed and most law-abiding communities crime is still
\nrampant. Even the organisation of crime is possible although
\ncannot usually endure or fix its power because it has the whole
\nvehement sentiment and effective organisation of the community against it. But what is more to the purpose, Law has not
\nbeen able to prevent, although it has minimised, the possibility
\nof civil strife and violent or armed discord within the organise nation.
\nWhenever a class or an opinion has thought itself  oppressed or treated with intolerable injustice, has found the Law
\nand its armed force so entirely associated with an opposite interest that the suspension of the principle of law and an
\ninsurgence of the violence of revolt against the violence of oppression
\nwere or appeared the only remedy, it has, if it thought it had a <\/i>chance of success, appealed to the ancient arbitration of Might
\nEven in our own days we have seen the most law-abiding of<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\nPage-134<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n
\nnations staggering on the verge of a disastrous civil war and responsible statesmen declaring
\ntheir readiness to appeal to it if a
\nmeasure disagreeable to them were enforced, even though it was
\npassed by the supreme legislative authority with the sanction of
\nthe sovereign. <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nBut in any loose international formation presently possible
\nthe armed force would still be divided among its constituent
\ngroups; it would belong to them, not to any sovereign authority,
\nsuper-State or federal council. The position would resemble the
\nchaotic organisation of the feudal ages in which every prince and
\nbaron had his separate jurisdiction and military resources and
\ncould defy the authority of the sovereign if he were powerful
\nenough or if he could command the necessary number and
\nstrength of allies among his peers. And in this case, there would
\nnot be even the equivalent of a feudal sovereign\u2014a king who,
\nif nothing else, if not really a monarch, was at least the first
\namong his peers\u2014with the prestige of sovereignty and some
\nmeans of developing it into a strong and permanent actuality. <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nNor would the matter be much improved if there were a
\ncomposite armed force of control set over the nations and their
\nseparate military strength; for this composite would break apart
\nand its elements return to their conflicting sources on the outbreak of overt strife. In the developed nation the individual is
\nthe unit and he is lost among the mass of individuals, unable
\nsafely to calculate the force he could command in a conflict,
\nafraid of all other individuals not bound to him, because he sees
\nin them natural supporters of outraged authority; revolt is to him
\na most dangerous and incalculable business, even the initial conspiracy fraught at every moment with a thousand terrors and
\ndangers that tower in terrible massed array against a small modicum of scattered chances. The soldier also is a solitary individual, afraid of all the rest, a terrible punishment suspended over
\nhim and ready to fall at the least sign of insubordination, never
\nsure of a confident support among his fellows or, even if a little certain, not assured of any effective support from the civil population and therefore deprived of that moral force which would
\nCourage him to defy the authority of Law and Government. <\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\nPage-135<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n
\nAnd in his ordinary sentiment he belongs no longer to individual or family or class, but to the State and the country or at the
\nvery least to the machine of which he is a part. But here the constituents would be a small number of nations, some of them
\npowerful empires, well able to look around them, measure their
\nown force, make sure of their allies, calculate the force against
\nthem; the chances of success or failure would be all that they
\nwould have to consider. And the soldiers of the composite army
\nwould belong at heart to their country and not at all to the nebulous entity which controlled them. <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nTherefore, pending the actual evolution of an international 
\nState so constituted as to be something other than a mere loose conglomerate of
\nnations or rather a palaver of the deputies of national governments, the reign
\nof peace and unity dreamed of by the idealist could never be possible by these political or administrative
\nmeans or, if possible, could never be secure. Even if actual war were eliminated, still as in the nation crime between
\nindividuals exists, or as other means, such as disastrous genera
\nstrikes, are used in the war of classes, so here too other means of
\nstrife would be developed, much more disastrous perhaps than
\nwar. And even they would be needed and inevitable in the economy of Nature not only to meet the psychological necessity of
\negoistic discord and passion and ambition, but as an outlet and
\nan aim for the sense of injustice, of oppressed rights, of thwarted
\npossibilities. The law is always the same, that wherever egoism
\nis the root of action it must bear its own proper results and reactions and, however minimised and kept down they may be by
\nan external machinery, their eventual outburst is sure and ca
\nbe delayed but not prevented forever. <\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nIt is apparent at least that no loose formation without
\npowerful central control could be satisfactory, effective or enduring, even if it were much less loose, much more compact than
\nanything that seems at present likely to evolve in the near future. There must
\nbe in the nature of things a second step, a movement towards greater rigidity,
\nconstriction of national liberties and the erection of a unique central authority with
\nuniform control over the earth’s peoples. <\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\nPage-136<\/font><\/span><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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