{"id":3150,"date":"2013-07-13T01:46:19","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:46:19","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=3150"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:46:19","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:46:19","slug":"08-ancient-and-modern-methods-of-empire-vol-the-ideal-of-human-unity","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/02-other-editions\/the-ideal-of-human-unity\/08-ancient-and-modern-methods-of-empire-vol-the-ideal-of-human-unity","title":{"rendered":"-08_Ancient and Modern Methods of Empire.htm"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n\n\n
\n

\n
\nCHAPTER VI <\/font><\/b>
\n<\/span><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\n
\nANCIENT AND MODERN
\nMETHODS OF EMPIRE<\/b><\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/span><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\n
\nA<\/font> CLEAR<\/font> distinction must be made between two political aggregates which go equally in current language by the name
\nof empire. For there is the homogeneous national and there is the heterogeneous
\ncomposite empire. In a sense, all empires are composites, at any rate, if we go back to their origins; but in practice
\nthere is a difference between the imperial aggregate in which the
\ncomponent elements are not divided from each other by a strong
\nsense of their separate existence in the whole and the imperial
\naggregate in which this psychological basis of separation is still in
\nvigour. Japan before the absorption of Formosa and Korea was
\na national whole and an empire only in the honorific sense of
\nthe word; after that absorption it became a real and a composite empire. Germany
\nagain would have been a purely national empire if it had not burdened itself with three minor acquisitions,
\nAlsace, Poland and Schleswig-Holstein which were not united
\nto it by the sense of German nationality but only by military force. Let us suppose this Teutonic aggregate to have lost its foreign
\nCements and at most have acquired instead the Teutonic provinces of Austria. Then we should have had an example of a
\nhomogeneous aggregate which would yet be an empire in the
\nhonorific sense of the word; for that would be a composite of homogeneous Teutonic nations or, as we may conveniently call
\nthem sub-nations, which would not naturally harbour any sentiment of separatism, but rather, drawn always to a natural unity, <\/font>
\n<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nPage-51<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n
\nwould form easily and inevitably a psychological and not merely a political unit. <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nBut this form in its purity is now difficult to find. The
\nUnited States is the example of such an aggregate, although
\nfrom the accident of their rule by a periodically elected President
\nand not a hereditary monarch we do not associate the type with
\nthe idea of an empire at all. Still if the imperial aggregate is to
\nbe changed from a political to a psychological unit, it would
\nseem that it must be done by reproducing mutatis mutandis
\n<\/i>something of the system of the United States, a system in which
\neach element could preserve a sufficient local state independence
\nand separate power of legislative and executive action and yet
\nbe part of an inseparable greater aggregate. This could be effected most easily where the elements are fairly homogeneous as
\nit would be in a federation of Great Britain and her colonies. <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nA tendency to large homogeneous aggregations has shown
\nitself recently in political thought, as in the dream of a Pan-Germanic empire, a great Russian and Pan-Slavic empire or the
\nPan-Islamic idea of a united Mahomedan world.* But these
\ntendencies are usually associated with the control by this homogeneous aggregate over other elements heterogeneous to it under
\nthe old principle of military and political compulsion, the retention by Russia of Asiatic nations under the sway,\u2020 the seizure by
\nGermany of wholly or partially non-Germanic countries and provinces, the control
\nby the Caliphate of non-Moslem subjects.\u2021
\nEven if these anomalies were absent, the actual arrangement of
\nthe world would lend itself with difficulty to a remodelling of
\nempire on a racial or cultural basis. Vast aggregates of this kind
\nwould find enclaves in their dominion inhabited by elements
\nwholly heterogeneous to them or mixed. Quite apart therefore <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/span><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\n
\n* All three have been broken by the effect of revolution and war, but, it the nation idea dwindled, the last might still at some future date revive: the
\nsecond, if Communism destroyed the national idea, may still be a possibility. <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\n\u2020 This has been modified by the substitution of a Soviet Union claiming to unite these Asiatic peoples voluntarily with Russia: but one is not quite sure
\nwhether this is a permanent reality or only a temporary apparent phenomenon.
\n<\/font><\/p>\n

<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\n\u2021 These two empires have now disappeared and there seems to be no
\npossibility of their revival. <\/font>
\n<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nPage-52<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n
\nfrom the resistance and refusal of kindred nations to renounce
\ntheir cherished nationality and fuse themselves in combinations of this kind, there would be this incompatibility of mixed or, heterogeneous factors, recalcitrant to the idea and the culture that sought to absorb them. Thus a Pan-Slavonic empire would
\nnecessitate the control of the Balkan Peninsula by Russia as the premier Slav State; but such a scheme would have to meet not
\nonly the independent Serbian nationality and the imperfect Slavism of the Bulgar but the quite incompatible Rumanian, Greek
\nand Albanian elements. Thus it does not appear that this
\ntendency towards vast homogeneous aggregates, although it has
\nfor some time played an important part in the world’s history and
\nis not exhausted or finally baffled, is ever likely to be the eventual solution; for even if it triumphed, it would have to meet in
\na greater or less degree the difficulties of the hetergeneous type.
\nThe true problem of empire therefore still remains, how to transform the artificial political unity of a heterogeneous empire,
\nheterogeneous in racial composition, language and culture into
\na real and psychological unity. <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nHistory gives us only one great and definite example of an
\nattempt to solve this problem on this large scale and with antecedent conditions which could at all afford any guidance for
\nthe vast heterogeneous modem empires, those of Russia, England,* France to which the problem is now offered. The old
\nChinese empire of the five nations, admirably organised, was not
\na case in point; for all its constituent parts were Mongolian in
\nrace and presented no formidable cultural difficulties. But the imperial Roman had to face essentially the same problems as the
\nmoderns minus one or two very important complications and he
\nsolved them up to a certain point with a masterly success. His
\nempire endured through several centuries and, though often threatened with disruption, yet by its inner principle of unity
\nand by its overpowering centripetal attraction triumphed over <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/span><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\n
\n*This empire has so altered its form into that of a free Commonwealth
\nthat the objection is no longer relevant; there is no longer an old world empire
\nbut a free commonwealth and a number of subject peoples moving rapidly towards
\nself-government. <\/font>
\n<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nPage-53<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n
\nall disruptive tendencies. Its one failure was the
\nbisection into the Eastern and Western Empires which hastened its final ending. Still when that end came it was not by a disruption from
\nwithin but simply by the decaying of its centre of life. And it
\nwas not till this central life faded that the pressure of the barbarian world without, to which its ruin is wrongly attributed,
\ncould prevail over its magnificent solidarity. <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nThe Roman effected his sway by military conquest and
\nmilitary colonisation; but once that conquest was assured, he
\nwas not content with holding it together as an artificial political
\nunity, nor did he trust solely to that political convenience of
\na good, efficient and well-organised government economical
\nand administratively beneficent which made it at first acceptable
\nto the conquered peoples. He had too sure a political instinct to
\nbe so easily satisfied; for it is certain that it he had stopped short
\nthere, the empire would have broken up at a much earlier date.
\nThe peoples under his sway would have preserved their sense
\nof separate nationality and, once accustomed to Roman efficiency
\nand administrative organisation, would inevitably have tended
\nto the separate enjoyment of these advantages as independent
\norganised nations. It was this sense of separate nationality which
\nthe Roman rule succeeded in blotting out wherever it established
\nits own dominant influence. And this was done not by the stupid
\nexpedient of a brutal force after the Teutonic fashion, but by
\npeaceful pressure. Rome first compounded with the one rival
\nculture that was superior in certain respects to her own and accepted it as part of her own cultural existence and even as its
\nmost valuable part; she created a Graeco-Roman civilisation, left
\nthe Greek tongue to spread and secure it in the East, but introduced it everywhere else by the medium of the Latin language
\nand a Latin education and succeeded in peacefully overcome the decadent or
\ninchoate cultures of Gaul and her other conquered provinces. But since even this process might not have
\nbeen sufficient to abolish all separatist tendency, she not only
\nadmitted her Latinised subjects to the highest military and civil <\/i>offices and even to the imperial purple, so that within less than<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nPage-54<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n
\na century after Augustus first an Italian Gaul and
\nthen an Iberian Spaniard held the name and power of the Caesars, but she proceeded rapidly enough to deprive of all vitality and then even
\nnominally to abolish all the grades of civic privilege with which
\nshe had started and extended the full Roman citizenship to all
\nTier subjects Asiatic, European and African without distinction. <\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nThe result was that the whole empire became psychologically and
\nnot only politically a single Graeco-Roman unity. Not
\nonly superior force or the recognition of Roman peace and good
\ngovernment, but all the desires, associations, pride, cultural affinities of the provinces made them firmly attached to the maintenance of the empire. Every attempt of provincial ruler or military chief to start provincial empires for their own benefit failed
\nbecause it found no basis, no supporting tendency, no national
\nsentiment and no sense of either material or any other advantage
\nto be gained by the change in the population on whom the successful continuity of the attempt had to depend. So far the Roman succeeded; where he failed, it was due to the essential vice
\nof his method. By crushing out, however peacefully, the living
\ncultures or the incipient individuality of the peoples he ruled,
\nhe deprived the peoples of their sources of vitality, the roots of
\ntheir force. No doubt he removed all positive causes of disruption and secured a passive force of opposition to all disruptive
\nchange; but his empire lived only at the centre and when that
\ncentre tended to become exhausted, there was no positive and
\nabounding life throughout the body from which it could be replenished. In the end, Rome could not even depend on a supply of vigorous individuals from the peoples whose life she
\nhad pressed out under the weight of a borrowed civilisation; she
\nhad to draw on the frontier barbarians. And when she fell to
\npieces, it was these barbarians and not the old peoples resurgent
\nwho became her heirs. For their barbarism was at least a living force and a principle of life, but the Graeco-Roman civilisation
\nhad become a principle of death. All the living forces were destroyed by whose
\ncontact it could have modified and renewed Its own force. In the end it had itself to be destroyed in its form <\/font>
\n<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nPage-55<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n
\nand its principle resown in the virgin field of the vital and vigorous culture of mediaeval Europe. What the Roman had not
\nthe wisdom to do by his organised empire,\u2014for even the profoundest and surest political instinct is not wisdom,\u2014had to be
\ndone by Nature herself in the loose but living unity of mediaeval Christendom. <\/font>
\n<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nThe example of Rome has haunted the political imagination of Europe ever since. Not only has it been behind the Holy
\nRoman empire of Charlemagne and Napoleon’s gigantic attempt
\nand the German dream of a world-empire governed by Teutonic
\nefficiency and Teutonic culture, but all the imperial nations,
\nincluding France and England, have followed to a certain extent
\nin its foot-steps. But, significantly enough, every attempt at renewing the Roman success has failed. The modem nations have
\nnot been able to follow Rome completely in the lines she had
\ntraced out or if they tried to follow, have clashed against different conditions and either collapsed or been obliged to call
\na
\n<\/i>halt. It is as if Nature had said, "That experiment has been carried once to the logical consequences and once is enough. I have
\nmade new conditions; find you new means or at least mend and
\nadd to the old where they were deficient or went astray." <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nThe European nations have extended their empires by the
\nold Roman method of military conquest and colonisation, abandoning for the most part the pre-Roman principle of simple overlordship or hegemony which was practised by the Assyrian and
\nEgyptian kings, the Indian States and the Greek cities. But this
\nprinciple also has been sometimes used in the shape of the protectorate to prepare the more normal means of occupation. The
\ncolonies have not been of the pure Roman, but of a mixed Carthaginian and Roman type, official and military, enjoying like the
\nRoman colonies superior civic rights to the indigenous population, they have been at the same time and far more commercial
\ncolonies of exploitation. The nearest to the Roman type has been
\nthe English settlement in Ulster, while the German system in
\nPoland developed under modern conditions the old Roman principle of expropriation. But these are exceptions, not the rule. <\/font>
\n<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nPage-56<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n
\nThe conquered territory once occupied and secure, the
\nmodern nations have found themselves brought up short by a
\ndifficulty which they have not been able to surmount as the
\nRomans surmounted it,\u2014the difficulty of uprooting the indigenous culture and with it the indigenous sense of separateness.
\nAll these Empires have at first carried with them the idea of imposing their culture along with the flag, first simply as an instinct of the conqueror and as a necessary adjunct to the fact of
\npolitical domination and a security for its permanence, but latterly with the conscious intention of extending, as it is somewhat
\npharisaically put, the benefits of civilisation to the "inferior"
\nraces. It cannot be said that the attempt has anywhere been
\nvery prosperous. It was tried with considerable thoroughness
\nand ruthlessness in Ireland, but although the Irish speech was
\nstamped out except in the wilds of Connaught and all distinctive
\nsigns of the old Irish culture disappeared, the outraged nationality simply clung to whatever other means of distinctiveness it
\ncould find, however exiguous, its Catholic religion, its Celtic
\nrace and nationhood, and even when it became Anglicised, refused to become English. The removal or slackening of the foreign pressure has resulted in a violent recoil, an attempt to revive
\nthe Gaelic speech, to reconstitute the old Celtic spirit and culture.
\nThe German failed to Prussianise Poland or even his own kin
\nwho speak his own language, the Alsatians. The Finn remained
\nunconquerably Finnish in Russia. The mild Austrian methods
\nleft the Austrian Pole as Polish as his oppressed brother in German Posen. Accordingly there began to rise everywhere a growing sense of the inutility of the endeavour and the necessity of
\nleaving the soul of the subject nation free, confining the action
\nor the sovereign State to the enforcement of new administrative
\nand economic conditions with as much social and cultural change as may be freely
\naccepted or may come about by education and the force of circumstance. <\/font>
\n<\/span><\/p>\n

\nThe German, indeed, new and inexperienced in imperial
\nmethods,  clung to the old Roman idea of assimilation which he sought to execute both by Roman and by un-Roman means. He
\n<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nPage-57<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n
\nshowed even a tendency to go back beyond the Caesars of old,
\nto the methods of the Jew in Canaan and die Saxon in Eastern
\nBritain, methods of expulsion and massacre. But since he was
\nafter all modernised and had some sense of economic necessity
\nand advantage, he could not carry out this policy with any thoroughness or in times of peace. Still he insisted on the old Roman
\nmethod, sought to substitute German speech and culture for the
\nindigenous and, as he could not do it by peaceful pressure, he
\ntried it by force. An attempt of this kind is bound to fail; instead
\nof bringing about the psychological unity at which it aims, it
\nsucceeds only in accentuating the national spirit and plants a
\nrooted and invincible hatred which is dangerous to the empire
\nand may even destroy it if the opposed elements are not too
\nsmall in number and weak in force. And if this effacing of heterogeneous cultures is impossible in Europe where the differences
\nare only variations of a common type and there are only small
\nand weak elements to overcome, it is obviously out of the question for those empires which have to deal with great Asiatic and
\nAfrican masses rooted for many centuries in an old and well-formed national culture. If a psychological unity has to be created, it must be by other means. <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nThe impact of different cultures upon each other has not
\nceased but has rather been accentuated by the conditions of the
\nmodern world. But the nature of the impact, the ends towards
\nwhich it moves and the means by which the ends can most
\nsuccessfully be worked out, are profoundly altered. The earth
\nis in travail now of one common, large and flexible civilisation
\nfor the whole human race into which each modern and ancient
\nculture shall bring its contribution and each clearly denned human aggregate shall introduce its necessary element of variation.
\nIn the working out of this aim, there must necessarily be some
\nstruggle for survival. The fittest to survive will be here all tba1
\ncan best serve the tendencies Nature is working out in humanity \u2014not only the
\ntendencies of the hour, but the reviving tendency of the past and the yet
\ninchoate tendencies of the future. And it
\nwill be too all that can best help as liberating and combining<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nPage-58<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\nforces, best make for adaptation and adjustment and for deliverance of the hidden sense of the great Mother in her strivings.
\nRut success in this struggle is worst and not best served by military  violence or political pressure. German culture for good or ill
\nwas making rapid conquest throughout the world before the
\nrulers of Germany were ill-advised enough to rouse the latent
\nforce of opposing ideals by armed violence. And even now that
\nwhich is essential in it, the State idea and the organisation of
\nthe life of the community by the State which is common both to
\nGerman Imperialism and to German socialism, is far more likely
\nto succeed by the defeat of the former in the war than it could
\nhave done by its victory in a brute struggle. <\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nThis change in the movement and orientation of the
\nworld’s tendencies points to a law of interchange and adaptation and to the
\nemergence of a new birth out of the meeting of many elements. Only those
\nimperial aggregates are likely to succeed and eventually endure which recognise
\nthe new law and shape their organisation to accord with it. Immediate victories
\nof an opposite kind may indeed be gained and violence done to the law; but such
\npresent successes are won, as history has repeatedly shown, at the cost of a
\nnation’s whole future. The recognition of the new truth had already commenced as
\na result of increased communication and the widening of knowledge. The value of
\nvariations had begun to be acknowledged and the old arrogant claims of this or
\nthat culture to impose itself and crush out all others were losing their force
\nand self-confidence when the old outworn creed suddenly leaped up armed with the
\nGerman sword to vindicate itself, if it might, before it perished. The only
\nresult "as been to give added force and clear recognition to the truth it sought
\nto deny. The importance even of the smallest States, Belgium, Serbia,* as cultural units in the European whole has
\nbeen lifted almost to the dignity of a creed. The recognition of
\nthe value of Asiatic cultures, confined formerly to the thinker,
\nscholar and artist, has now been brought into the popular mind by association <\/b> on the battle-field. The theory of "inferior" races,
\n<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\n*Now Yugoslavia. <\/font>
\n<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nPage-59<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n
\nan inferiority and superiority measured by approximation to
\none’s own form of culture, has received what may well turn out
\nto have been its death-blow. The seeds of a new order of things
\nare being rapidly sown in the conscious mentality of the race. <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nThis new turn of the impact of cultures shows itself most
\nclearly where the European and the Asiatic meet. French culture in Northern
\nAfrica, English culture in India cease at once to be French or English and
\nbecome simply the common European civilisation in face of the Asiatic; it is no longer an imperial
\ndomination intent to secure itself by assimilation, but continent parleying with
\ncontinent. The political motive sinks into insignificance; the world-motive
\ntakes its place. And in this confrontation it is no longer a self-confident European civilisation
\nthat offers its light and good to the semi-barbarous Asiatic and
\nthe latter that gratefully accepts a beneficent transformation.
\nEven adaptable Japan, after her first enthusiasm of acceptance
\nhas retained all that is fundamental in her culture and everywhere else the European current has met the opposition of an
\ninner voice and force which cries halt to its victorious impetus.*
\nThe East is on the whole in spite of certain questionings and
\nscruples willing and, where not wholly willing, forced by circumstances and the general tendency of mankind to accept the
\nreally valuable parts of modern European culture, its science, its
\ncuriosity, its ideal of universal education and uplift, its abolition
\nof privilege, its broadening, liberalising democratic tendency, its
\ninstinct of freedom and equality, its call for the breaking down
\nof narrow and oppressive forms, for air, space, light. But at a
\ncertain point the East refuses to proceed further and that is precisely in the things which are deepest, most essential to the
\nfuture of mankind, the things of the soul, the profound things or
\nthe mind and temperament. Here again all points not to substitution and conquest, but to mutual understanding and interchange, mutual adaptation and new formation. <\/font>
\n<\/span><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\n
\n* There has been a recrudescence of the Europeanising turn in Turkey
\nand in China reinforced by the influence of Bolshevist Russia. Wherever there
\nis a retardatory orthodoxy to overcome, this movement is likely to appear, but
\nonly as a passing phase. <\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nPage-60<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n
\nThe old idea is not entirely dead and will not die without a
\nlast struggle. There are still those who dream of a Christianised
\nIndia the English tongue permanently dominating if not replacing the indigenous languages, or the acceptance of European
\nsocial forms and manners as the necessary precondition for an
\nequal status between European and Asiatic. But they are those
\nwho belong in spirit to a past generation and cannot value the
\nyens of the hour which point to a new era. Christianity, for
\ninstance, has only succeeded where it could apply its one or two
\nfeatures of distinct superiority, the readiness to stoop and uplift
\nthe fallen and oppressed where the Hindu bound in the forms
\nof caste would not touch nor succour, its greater swiftness to give
\nrelief where it is needed, in a word, the active compassion and
\nhelpfulness which it inherited from its parent Buddhism. Where
\nit could not apply this lever, it has totally failed and even this
\nlever it may easily lose; for the soul of India reawakened by the
\nnew impact is beginning to recover its lost tendencies. The social
\nforms of the past are changing where they are unsuited to the
\nnew political and economic conditions and ideals or incompatible with the increasing urge towards freedom and equality; but
\nthere is no sign that anything but a new Asiatic society broadened and liberalised will emerge from this travail. The signs
\neverywhere are the same; the forces everywhere work in the
\nsame sense. Neither France nor England has the power\u2014and
\nthey are fast or slowly losing the desire\u2014to destroy and replace
\nthe Islamic culture in Africa or the Indian in India. All they
\ncan do is to give what they have of value to be assimilated according to the needs and the inner spirit of the older nations. <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nIt was necessary to dwell on this question because it is vital to the future of Imperialism. The replacement of the local
\nby the imperial culture and as far as possible by the speech of
\nthe conqueror was essential to the old imperial theory, but the moment that becomes out of question and the very desire of it
\nhas to be renounced as impracticable, the old Roman model of empire ceases to be of any avail for the solution of the problem.
\nSomething of the Roman lesson remains valid,\u2014those features <\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nPage-61<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n
\nespecially that are essential to the very essence of imperialism
\nand the meaning of empire; but a new model is demanded. That
\nnew model has already begun to evolve in obedience to the requirements of the age; it is the model of the federal or else the
\nconfederate empire. The problem we have to consider narrows
\nitself down to this, is it possible to create a securely federated
\nempire of vast extent and composed of heterogeneous races and
\ncultures? And granting that in this direction lies the future, how
\ncan such an empire so artificial in appearance be welded into a natural and psychological unit? <\/font>
\n<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nPage-62<\/font><\/span><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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