{"id":316,"date":"2013-07-13T01:27:17","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:27:17","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=316"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:27:17","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:27:17","slug":"150-the-question-of-the-president-vol-01-bande-mataram-volume-01","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/01-sabcl\/01-bande-mataram-volume-01\/150-the-question-of-the-president-vol-01-bande-mataram-volume-01","title":{"rendered":"-150_The Question of the President.htm"},"content":{"rendered":"\n\n
\n


\n\t\tThe Question of the President<\/font><\/b><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\n                       
\n<\/font>
\n<\/span>T<\/font><\/span>HE<\/font><\/b>
\nunion of the two parties in the Congress is now in sight. If the Convention
\nCommittee which is about to meet at Allahabad, will be guided by the country and
\nnot by the single will of one masterful and obstinate personality, the
\nreconciliation of the parties is certain. When this desirable consummation is
\nbrought about, the next step will be the formation of a Constitution under which
\na harmonious working may be possible. We have already formulated what in our
\nopinion should be the principles of the Constitution; the basis should be
\ndemocratic and not oligarchic, the scope of the Congress should be widened so as
\nto embrace actual work, the aim left indeterminate. It is the function of this
\nbody to gather around it the strength of the nation, and no creed should be
\npromulgated which would have the result of excluding any section of the people.<\/font><\/p>\n


\n           
\n<\/font>
\n<\/span>Taking these principles as our starting-point, we shall proceed to
\ndiscuss the chief questions which must be settled in order to ensure harmonious
\nworking between the two parties. The first issue which will present itself is
\nthe choice of a President. In his speech at the Federation Ground, Sj. Bepin
\nChandra Pal threw out a suggestion which he thought might obviate the
\ndifficulties which now attend the choice of a President. The present method of
\nelection is wholly unsatisfactory. A Reception Committee formed on the basis of
\nwealth, not of democratic election is the primary authority; and the choice of
\nthe President is determined by a three-fourths majority which it is under
\npresent circumstances impossible to secure. Failing this impossibility, the
\nAll-India Congress Committee proceeds to nominate a President who may be the
\nchoice not of the country but of a party, and the nomination is confirmed by the
\nconsent of the Congress which the Moderates declare to be a mere formality of
\nelection not implying any right of the delegates to withhold their consent or
\nreverse the decision of the Committee. This method of election is about<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage-820<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\nthe
\nmost irrational, undemocratic and perversely unconstitutional which can be
\nimagined. The whole value of a democratic constitution lies in the relation of
\nthe parts of the commonwealth to each other on the basis of a definite
\ndelegation of power by the people to its officials, magistrates or governing
\nbodies. The present system eliminates the sovereignty of the people altogether;
\nit sets up an irresponsible body temporarily created for a different purpose as
\nthe primary authority and creates in the All-India Committee a power of final
\nelection which makes it independent of the people.<\/font><\/p>\n


\n           
\n<\/font>
\n<\/span>Srijut Bepin Chandra proposes to leave the election of the President to
\nthe Reception Committee, permitting the anomaly to continue for the sake of
\npeace; but the voice of the people is not to be entirely silent, inoperative in
\nthe election, it finds its opportunity in the criticism of the President’s
\naddress which is to be open to discussion and amendment like the King’s Speech
\nin Parliament. This right of criticism and amendment will act as a check on the
\nparty proclivities of the President and tend to bring his speech to the
\ncolourless nature of a pronouncement embracing what the whole nation is agreed
\nupon and omitting the points of difference which still divide men’s minds. It is
\npossible that an obstinate President might face the disagreeable certainty of a
\ndivision on his address, in which case the check would not work; but this would
\nbe too unlikely a possibility to be a serious drawback to Sj. Bepin Chandra’s
\nproposal. The defect in it as a complete solution lies elsewhere, it provides
\nagainst the misuse of the presidential chair to deliver a party pronouncement
\nwounding to the susceptibilities of a part of the audience, but it does not
\nprovide against the misuse of the Presidential authority to prevent the passing
\nof resolutions disagreeable to the party to which the President for the year
\nhappens to belong. This can be done, however, without altering Bepin Babu’s
\nsuggestion.<\/font><\/p>\n


\n           
\n<\/font>
\n<\/span>There are two aspects of the Presidential position. In one he is the
\nspokesman of the nation issuing a manifesto on its behalf with regard to the
\nquestions of the day. The Moderate Party usually tries to belittle this aspect
\nby the contention that the President’s speech binds no one but himself. If that
\nis so, then<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage-821<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\nhe
\nhas no right to take up a whole day of the brief time available for work with
\nutterances and opinions which are of no conceivable importance to the country or
\nthe world at large. Either the President’s speech is a national manifesto and
\nshould be denuded of its party character, or it is a personal expression of
\nopinion and should be either eliminated altogether or reduced to the brief
\nproportions of an acknowledgement of the honour done to him in his election, so
\nthat the Congress may at once proceed to real business. In that case the
\nPresident will become a Speaker of the House and nothing more, which he is at
\npresent, but only in his second and subordinate capacity. In this secondary
\ncapacity he is master of the deliberations of the Congress and can, if he so
\nwishes, try to rule out of court or declare as lost without division any
\nproposal or amendment which is displeasing to his party. Indeed, as everybody
\nknows, it is this which has been at the root of all the bitterness that has
\ngathered round the question and which led to the fracas at Surat. It will not
\ntherefore be enough to provide against the party character of the address, it is
\nstill more necessary to provide against the party use of the President’s
\nauthority. In the House of Commons the Speaker is a non-party man whose sole
\nbusiness is to interpret impartially the rules of the House, and, if we are to
\navoid the repetition of such scenes as took place at Surat, the President of the
\nCongress must be compelled to assume the same character. The difficulties in the
\nway are two: first, the absence of any well-understood rules of procedure in the
\nCongress; secondly, the absence of a strong public opinion which would
\nunanimously resent the misuse of his authority whatever party might be
\nbenefitted. If the now unwritten procedure of the Congress is reduced to writing
\nand provision made for the right of delegates to lay their views in due form
\nbefore the Congress, the first difficulty may be got rid of, and a very
\nnecessary step taken in the democratisation of the Congress. But the
\ninterpretation of the rules is always liable to misuse, as all free countries
\nhave found, and the only safeguard against it is a strong sense of the supreme
\nimportance of free discussion which will override party feeling and discourage
\nthe temptation to acquiesce in anything which will bring about a party victory.
\nTo develop such a feeling will take time. In the<\/p>\n

<\/font>
\n
\n <\/font>                                                                                                                
\n<\/font><\/p>\n

<\/span><\/i>\n<\/p>\n

\nPage-822<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\nmeanwhile
\nsuch checks should be devised as would both deter the President from misusing
\nhis authority and foster the growth of a public sentiment such as governs the
\nproceedings of free assemblies in free countries; Mr. Tilak at the Surat
\nCongress appealed to the Congress against the decision of the Chairman of the
\nReception Committee, disallowing his notice for the adjournment of the election
\nof the President. This right which is inherent in every free assembly, ought to
\nbe specifically recognised. We cannot find a better means of checking any
\ntendency to abuse authority than the knowledge that an appeal lies against one’s
\ndecision to the whole assembly of the delegates, nor any stronger incentive to
\nthe growth of the public sentiment we desire to
\ncreate
\nthan the knowledge that the final responsibility for dis<\/span>honest
\nparty tactics will rest on the whole body of the delegates. If these precautions
\nare added to the suggestion of Srijut Bepin Chandra the difficulties at present
\narising out of the anomalous election of the President will largely disappear.
\nAt the same time, the anomaly remains and if we overlook it for the present for
\nthe sake of peace, it should be clearly recognised that the present system can
\nonly be a temporary device pending the growth of a definite electorate in the
\ncountry which can take over the function of electing the President.<\/font><\/p>\n


\n           
\n<\/font>
\n<\/span>The suggestions we put forward therefore are that the President should be
\nelected by a bare majority of the Reception Committee or, failing a clear
\nmajority in favour of one name over all others combined, by the All-India
\nCongress Committee; that the President take his seat the moment the Congress
\nsits, before the Chairman of the Reception Committee begins his address of
\nwelcome; that the address of the President after delivery be open to formal
\ndiscussion, in other words, that the Congress be asked to accept the address and
\nthat the right of amendment be permitted; that the President be governed by
\ndefinite rules of procedure, and that his decision be subject to an appeal to
\nthe whole House.<\/font><\/p>\n


\nBande
\nMataram<\/i>,
\n<\/i> <\/font> April 3, 1908<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage-823<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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