{"id":341,"date":"2013-07-13T01:27:25","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:27:25","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=341"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:27:25","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:27:25","slug":"039-an-ineffectual-sedition-clause-vol-01-bande-mataram-volume-01","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/01-sabcl\/01-bande-mataram-volume-01\/039-an-ineffectual-sedition-clause-vol-01-bande-mataram-volume-01","title":{"rendered":"-039_An Ineffectual Sedition Clause.htm"},"content":{"rendered":"<table border=\"0\" cellpadding=\"6\" style=\"border-collapse: collapse\" width=\"100%\">\n<tr>\n<td>\n<p style=\"margin: 0;line-height:150%\" align=\"center\">\n<font size=\"4\"><b><span style=\"font-family: Times New Roman\">An<br \/>\nIneffectual Sedition Clause<\/span><\/b><\/font><\/p>\n<p style=\"margin: 0;line-height:150%\" align=\"justify\">\n&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p style=\"margin: 0;line-height:150%\" align=\"justify\">\n<span style=\"font-family: Times New Roman\"><font size=\"3\">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<\/font><br \/>\n<span style=\"font-size: 19pt\">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<br \/>\n<\/span><b><font size=\"4\">W<\/font><font size=\"2\">E<\/font><\/b><font size=\"4\"> <\/font><br \/>\n<font size=\"3\">commented yesterday on the folly of the Punjab Government in<br \/>\nprosecuting the <i>Punjabee<br \/>\n<\/i>and<br \/>\nthe ridiculous and unenviable position in which the practical collapse of that<br \/>\nprosecution has landed them. The absolute lack of courage, insight and<br \/>\nstatesmanship in the Indian government has been always a subject of wonder to<br \/>\nus. The English are an exceedingly able and practical nation, well versed in the<br \/>\nart of keeping down subject races at the least expense and with the greatest<br \/>\nadvantage to themselves. It is passing strange to see such a race floundering<br \/>\nabout and hopelessly at sea in dealing with the new situation in India. There<br \/>\nare three possible policies by which it could be met. We could understand a<br \/>\npolicy of Russian repression, making full use of the means of coercion their<br \/>\ndespotic laws and practice keep ready to their hand in order to stamp out the<br \/>\nfire of nationalism before it had spread. We could understand a policy of firm<br \/>\nrepression of disorder and maintenance of British supremacy, coupled with full<br \/>\nand generous concessions in the sphere of local and municipal self-government.<br \/>\nWe could understand a frank association of the people in the government with<br \/>\nprovincial Home Rule as its eventual goal. The first policy would be strong and<br \/>\ncourageous but unwise; for, its only effect on a nation which has a past and<br \/>\nremembers it would be to expedite the advent of its future. The second, if<br \/>\nimmediately undertaken, might be temporarily effective but could not for long<br \/>\nsatisfy national aspirations. The third is a counsel of perfection to which,<br \/>\nfortunately for India&#8217;s future greatness, Mr. Blair will hardly get his<br \/>\ncountrymen to listen. Nevertheless, any of these three would be a rational and<br \/>\nsensible<br \/>\npolicy; but the present attitude of the Government is neither. It is an<br \/>\nimpossible mixture of timid and flabby coercion with insincere, grudging and<br \/>\ndilatory conciliation. The Government looses a Fuller on the people and then at<br \/>\nthe first check withdraws him. It promises a reform and then hesitates and<br \/>\nrepents and<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"margin: 0;line-height:150%\" align=\"center\">&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p style=\"margin: 0;line-height:150%\" align=\"center\">\n<span style=\"font-family: Times New Roman\"><br \/>\nPage-269<\/span><\/p>\n<hr>\n<p style=\"margin: 0;line-height:150%\" align=\"justify\"><font size=\"3\"><span style=\"font-family: Times New Roman\">cannot make<br \/>\nup its mind to give it either promptly or frankly. It has stored up any number<br \/>\nof legal <i>brahm<font FACE=\"Times New Roman\">\u00e4<\/font>stras<\/i> and <i>n<font face=\"Times New Roman\">\u00e4<\/font>gap&#257;&#347;as<\/i> to bind down and destroy<br \/>\nopposition, but it has not the courage to use them. It would like to crush the<br \/>\npeople, but it dare not; it feels it necessary to make concessions, but it will<br \/>\nnot. This is the way Empires are lost. The only instance of a coherent policy is<br \/>\nin East Bengal where the bureaucracy has envisaged the situation as an unarmed<br \/>\nrebellion and is treating it on the military principle of isolating the<br \/>\ninsurgent forces and crushing them with the help of local allies before the<br \/>\nopposition can become organised and universal. It is an acute and skilful policy<br \/>\nbut it needs for its success two conditions &#8212; <\/span><br \/>\n<span>weakness, vacillation<br \/>\nand cowardice on the part of the Calcutta leaders, and want of tenacity in the<br \/>\nstrong men of East Bengal. But the situation in East Bengal is only a local<br \/>\nsymptom. In dealing with the general disease, the Government policy is mere<br \/>\nconfusion.<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p style=\"margin: 0;line-height:150%\" align=\"justify\">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<font size=\"3\"><span style=\"font-size: 12pt;font-family: Times New Roman\">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<br \/>\n<\/span><br \/>\n<span>We may take its treatment of sedition as an instance. The clause<br \/>\ndealing with sedition in the Penal Code is a monument of legal ferocity, but at<br \/>\npresent, of futile ferocity. The offence is that of exciting contempt and hatred<br \/>\nagainst the Government. The Government means the bureaucracy collectively and<br \/>\nindividually. Anything therefore in the nature of plain statement and strong<br \/>\ncomment on any foolish or arbitrary conduct on the part of an official or on any<br \/>\nunwise or oppressive policy on the part of the Government, Viceregal or<br \/>\nProvincial, or on any absurd or odious feature in the bureaucratic system, or<br \/>\nany attempt to prove that the present administration is responsible for distress<br \/>\nand suffering in India or that bureaucratic rule is doing material<br \/>\nand moral injury to the people and the country, falls within the scope of this<br \/>\ninsane provision. For, such statements, comments and attempts must inevitably<br \/>\nprovoke contempt and &quot;want of affection&quot; in the people; and the writer<br \/>\ncannot help knowing that  they will have that effect. Yet these are things that<br \/>\nfall within the natural duty of the journalist in every country which is not<br \/>\nstill in the Dark Ages.<br \/>\n&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The alternative punishments &#8212; the minor, running to two years&#8217; rigorous<br \/>\nimprisonment, the major, to the utmost penalty short of the gallows, &#8212; are of a<br \/>\nRussian ferocity. Yet this terrible<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p style=\"margin: 0;line-height:150%\" align=\"center\"><span style=\"font-family: Times New Roman\">Page-270<\/span><\/p>\n<hr>\n<p style=\"margin: 0;line-height:150%\" align=\"justify\"><font size=\"3\"><span style=\"font-family: Times New Roman\">sword is hung<br \/>\nin vain over the head of the Indian journalists; for, mere imprisonment has no<br \/>\nlonger any terrors for Indian patriotism and really crushing penalties can only<br \/>\nbe imposed at the risk of driving the people to secret conspiracy and nihilistic<br \/>\nforms of protest. The lower grades of the executive and judiciary are not<br \/>\naffected by scruples, for they are neither called upon to consider ultimate<br \/>\nconsequences or exposed to external censure; but the higher one rises in the<br \/>\nofficial scale, the greater is the deterrent effect of the fear of consequences<br \/>\nand the fear of the world&#8217;s censure. This is the reason why ferocious sentences<br \/>\nlike that on the <i>Punjabee<\/i> are minimised in successive appeals &#8212; a phenomenon an Anglo-Indian contemporary notices with great disgust. The clauses<br \/>\n124A and 153A are therefore weapons which the Government cannot effectually utilise and to employ them ineffectually is worse than useless. If the<br \/>\njournalist is acquitted, it is a popular victory; if lightly sentenced, public<br \/>\nfeeling is irritated, not intimidated; if rigorously dealt with, a great<br \/>\nimpulse is given to the tide of nationalism which will sweep onward till this<br \/>\nplace of civilised savagery ceases to pollute the statute-books of a revolutionised and modernised administration.<br \/>\n<\/span><\/font><span><br \/>\n<br \/>\n<\/span><span><br \/>\n<b><a name=\"The Englishman as a Statesman\"><font size=\"4\">The<br \/>\n&quot;Englishman&quot; as a Statesman<\/font><\/a><\/b><font size=\"4\"><br \/>\n<\/font><br \/>\n<\/span><span><br \/>\n<br \/>\n<\/span><span style=\"font-family: Times New Roman\"><font size=\"3\">The <i>Englishman<\/i> has a confused and wordy article in yesterday&#8217;s issue which it considers<br \/>\nespecially fit &quot;for such a time as this&quot;; but the meaning is a little<br \/>\ndifficult to disentangle. Our contemporary has a dim perception that there is<br \/>\na &quot;crisis&quot; in the country, the nature of which it is unable to<br \/>\ndetermine; but it is a very<br \/>\nterrible sort of crisis, anyway, &#8212; a monster horrible, shapeless and huge.<br \/>\n&quot;When it matures, influences may be shot forth into the country, and<br \/>\npossibly also in Asia, if not also back into Europe through Russia, whose final<br \/>\nissues no man can foresee.&quot; It acknowledges that there &quot;are some<br \/>\nhopes&quot; in the hearts of the people &quot;which it would be fatuous to mock,<br \/>\nmadness to ignore.&quot;<br \/>\nSo far as we can make out, the <i>Englishman<\/i> has discovered a very original<br \/>\nway of respecting and recognising<\/font><br \/>\n<\/span><font size=\"3\"><span> these hopes. It<br \/>\nproposes to satisfy them by<br \/>\nappointing a large number of non-<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p style=\"margin: 0;line-height:150%\" align=\"center\"><span style=\"font-family: Times New Roman\">Page-271<\/span><\/p>\n<hr>\n<p style=\"margin: 0;line-height:150%\" align=\"justify\"><span style=\"font-family: Times New Roman\"><font size=\"3\">official<br \/>\nEuropeans in Mr. Morley&#8217;s new Legislative Council along with the Nawab of Dacca<br \/>\nand any other equally rare specimens bureaucratic research can discover among<br \/>\nthe &quot;manlier races of the North who, if they grew turbulent, might prove<br \/>\nmore troublesome than populations of another class from further South, who,<br \/>\nif more effeminate, are also more contented&quot;. The .meaning of this<br \/>\nextraordinarily slip-shod rigmarole is that the <i>Englishman<\/i> has been<br \/>\nfrightened by the disturbances in Lahore which followed on the final<br \/>\nconviction of the <i>Punjabee<\/i> and is also a little uneasy at the prospect of<br \/>\nunwelcome changes in the Legislative Councils. Hence its unusual and<br \/>\nunsuccessful attempt to overcome its customary &quot;fatuity&quot; and<br \/>\n&quot;madness&quot;. For our part, we prefer the <i>Englishman<\/i> fatuous and<br \/>\nmad to the <i>Englishman<\/i> trying in vain to be sensible. In its natural<br \/>\nstate, it is at least intelligible.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"margin: 0;line-height:150%\" align=\"right\"><span><i>Bande<br \/>\nMataram<\/i>,<i> <\/i>April 19, 1907<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"margin: 0;line-height:150%\" align=\"center\">&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p style=\"margin: 0;line-height:150%\" align=\"center\">\n<span style=\"font-family: Times New Roman\">Page-272<\/span><\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>An Ineffectual Sedition Clause &nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; WE commented yesterday on the folly of the Punjab Government in prosecuting the Punjabee and the ridiculous and&#8230;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[8],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-341","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-01-bande-mataram-volume-01","wpcat-8-id"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/341","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=341"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/341\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=341"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=341"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=341"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}