{"id":390,"date":"2013-07-13T01:27:42","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:27:42","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=390"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:27:42","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:27:42","slug":"022-the-old-policy-and-the-new-vol-01-bande-mataram-volume-01","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/01-sabcl\/01-bande-mataram-volume-01\/022-the-old-policy-and-the-new-vol-01-bande-mataram-volume-01","title":{"rendered":"-022_The Old Policy and the New.htm"},"content":{"rendered":"\n\n
\n

\n
\nThe Old Policy and the New<\/font><\/b><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\n                       
\n<\/font>
\n<\/span>B<\/font><\/span><\/b>ABU<\/b>
\nBhupendranath Bose has issued a manifesto of his views in the Bengalee, <\/i>
\nin which he explains his letter to the Secretary of the People’s Association at
\nComilla. That document, it seems, was a private letter, although it was
\nobviously intended to produce a public effect, viz<\/i>. <\/i>to prevent the
\nnomination of Mr. Tilak and to counteract the effect of Babu Bepin Chandra Pal’s
\nmeeting and speeches in Comilla. However, we have now an authoritative statement
\nof Babu Bhupendranath’s "policy", and no further misunderstanding is possible.
\nThis policy is precisely what we expected; it might have been penned in the
\npre-Partition and pre-Swadeshi days and amounts simply to the old Congress
\nprogramme. We are to solicit Government help and favours as before, to oppose
\nits measures when they are bad and, when they are very bad, to support this
\nopposition "with the vital energy of the entire nation". But we are not to
\nattempt to stand apart from the Government; we are not fit (because we have
\ncastes!) to stand among the self-governing countries of the world. We must
\ntherefore accept our subjection and wait for the golden days when we are
\nthoroughly Europeanised, before we make any attempt to assert our national
\nexistence. At the same time, we may work out our own salvation in industrial
\nmatters, by such enterprises as the Banga Lakshmi Mill, in social matters by
\nthe abolition of caste, and even in
\neducational matters by <\/span>
\n\u2014<\/span>
\nbut <\/span>no, Babu Bhupendranath Bose has never been a friend of the National
\nUniversity idea. Such, when stripped of all verbiage, is the programme which
\nBabu Bhupendranath sets before us, and since, in spite of his modest disclaimer,
\nhe has a commanding influence in determining the active policy of our leaders,
\nhis programme may be taken as the ultimate programme of his party.<\/font><\/p>\n


\n           
\n<\/font>
\n<\/span>We should like to know what Babu Bhupendranath precisely
\nmeans by opposition to Government schemes. Except in<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage-163<\/font>
\n<\/font><\/p>\n

<\/span>\n<\/p>\n

\n

\nextreme cases, so far as we understand him, he is opposed to
\nbringing the vital energy of the nation to bear on the Government; and the only
\nalternative policy is one of prayer and petition. It has been demonstrated
\nrepeatedly that prayer and petition have no appreciable influence on the British
\nGovernment and that whatever slight influence it might have once had, has faded
\ninto nullity. It is only when the nation, finding its prayers and petitions
\nrejected, begins to manifest its strength that the British Government inclines
\nits ear and is graciously pleased to withdraw a circular, to dismiss a Fuller or
\nto consider whether it can unsettle a settled fact. But Babu Bhupendranath
\nargues that we cannot bring "the vital energies of the nation" to support
\nopposition to any and every measure of Government. We are quite at one with him;
\nbut we cannot follow him in the strangely illogical conclusion he draws from
\nthis premise. He concludes from it that our right course is to trust to the
\nbroken weapon of remonstrance and futile petition in all but exceptional cases
\nlike the Partition. We conclude that our right course is not to waste
\nunnecessary time over smaller matters, but to go to the root of the matter, the
\ncontrol over finance and legislation which is the basis of self-government and
\nthe first step towards autonomy.<\/font><\/p>\n


\n           
\n<\/font>
\n<\/span>The proposal of the old party is to use the great outburst
\nof national strength which the Partition has evoked, in order to get the
\nPartition rescinded, and then to put it back in the cupboard until again wanted.
\nSuch a policy will be absolutely suicidal. These outbursts can only come once or
\ntwice in a century, they cannot be evoked and ruled at the will of any leader,
\nbe he Surendranath Banerji or even a greater than Surendranath. Nor would such
\nfrequent outbursts benefit the country, but would rather, like frequent
\noccasions of fever, weaken the nation and render it finally listless and
\nstrengthless. The problem for statesmanship at this moment is to organise and
\nutilise the energy which has been awakened for an object of the first importance
\nto our national development. The withdrawal of the Partition by itself will not
\nimprove the position of our race with regard to its rulers nor leave it one whit
\nbetter than before Lord Curzon’s regime. Even if the present Government were
\noverflowing with<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage-164<\/font>
\n<\/font><\/p>\n

<\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\nliberal kindness, it cannot last for ever, and there is nothing
\nto prevent another Imperialist Viceroy backed up by an Imperialist Government
\nfrom perpetrating measures as injurious to the interests and sentiments of the
\nnation. The only genuine guarantee against this contingency is the control by
\nthe nation of its own destinies, and to secure an effective instalment of this
\ncontrol should be the first aim of all our political action. No British
\nGovernment will willingly concede anything in the nature of effective control.
\nIt can only be wrested from them by concentrating "the vital energies of the
\nentire nation" into opposition to the Government and admitting of no truce until
\nthe desired end is secured. This is the kernel of the new party’s policy and it
\ndiffers entirely from Babu Bhupendranath’s meaningless and futile programme.<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\n
\nIs a Conflict Necessary<\/font><\/a><\/b><\/p>\n

\n <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\nThe old leaders are now telling the country that there is no need of a conflict
\nas their ideals are identical with those of the new party, and it is only the
\nlatter who are heating themselves into a passion about nothing. The other day,
\nBabu Naresh Chandra Sen Gupta in perfect good faith accepted this statement and
\ndeclared it to the assembled students. But yesterday we learned that Babu
\nBhupendranath Bose insists on our working in association with the Government and
\nnot in opposition! This is emphatically not the ideal of the new party, for we
\nare opposed to any accommodation with the Government which precedes or dispenses
\nwith the concession of effective self-government to the Indian people. We shall
\nshortly make a succinct and definitive statement of our programme and demands;
\nand if there is really no difference of ideals, if the whole quarrel is a
\nmisunderstanding and the old leaders are prepared not only to profess but to
\ncarry out those ideals in co-operation with the new party, the conflict will die
\na natural death. But it should be realised that without sincerity and frank
\nopenness no attempt at an understanding can be successful or worth making.<\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage-165<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n
\nThe Charge of Vilification<\/font><\/a><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n


\n <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/b><\/p>\n

\nA charge which is being freely hurled against the new party is
\nthat they, or at least an active section of them, indulge in "vile abuse" of the
\nold leaders. We do not care to deny that some of our writers and speakers are
\nunsparing and outspoken in their attacks on individual leaders and that
\nsometimes the bounds are passed. But this is a common incident of any political
\ncontroversy under modern conditions. Both sides are guilty of such excesses. The
\ncorrespondence to which the Bengalee <\/i>has been recently giving a large
\npart of its space is often of a poisonous virulence and an almost absurd
\nviolence of misrepresentation and the chief vernacular organ of the old party
\nhas no better claims to "respectability" in this respect than the most outspoken
\nexponent of a more extreme policy. It is merely party passion which tries to
\nascribe all the violence and vilification to one side. These are inevitable
\nconcomitants of a party conflict and it will not do for either side to affect a
\nsanctimonious spotlessness of demeanour; for the affectation will not bear
\nscrutiny.<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\n
\nAutocratic Trickery<\/font><\/a><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n


\n <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/b><\/p>\n

\nIt is announced that Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji has accepted Babu Bhupendranath’s
\noffer of the Presidentship of the National Congress at Calcutta. No one was
\nlikely to oppose Mr. Naoroji as a President and had the proposal been brought
\nforward constitutionally in the Reception Committee, the supporters of Mr. Tilak
\nwould have consented to postpone his name till the next year. But the Secret
\nCabal which is managing affairs in defiance of all rule and practice, were
\ndetermined to score a party success and to use Mr. Naoroji, without his
\nknowledge, as a tool for their ignoble purpose. They would face the supporters
\nof Mr. Tilak with an accomplished fact, which they must either accept or incur
\nthe odium of opposing an universally respected name. They have followed a
\nsimilar method with regard to the Exhibition which they have practically sold to
\nthe Government for a price. In this way, the Reception Committee is being turned
\ninto a<\/p>\n

\n <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\nPage-166<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\nfarce and when they allow it to meet, it will find itself without
\noccupation as all its functions have been performed for it behind its back. It
\nbecomes therefore the imperative duty of all who have any desire for national
\ncontrol over the national assembly to demand a settled elective constitution not
\nonly for the Congress but for every Congress body and law for its procedure
\nwhich the leaders shall not be allowed to violate unless they are prepared to
\nface a public impeachment from the platform of the Congress.<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n


\nThe Bhagalpur Meeting<\/a><\/font><\/h2>\n


\n <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/b><\/p>\n

\nThe
\nEnglishman <\/i>is very glad that Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji and not Mr. Tilak is
\ngoing to preside at the National Congress, but it is also very glad of anything
\nthat can discredit Babu Surendranath Banerji. Its statement that the Bhagalpur
\nmeeting was very scantily attended while the Bengalee <\/i>reckons 6,000 may
\nbe compared with the previous attempt of a correspondent in the Bengalee <\/i>
\nto prove that the population of Chittagong district was about the same as the
\ncomputed audience of Babu Bepin Chandra Pal’s mass meeting! Just as a Mymensingh
\nadherent of petitionary politics declares that none of the leading men attended
\nBepin Babu’s meeting at Mymensingh, so the Englishman <\/i>declares that the
\nBehari gentry and even the leading Bengalis held aloof from Babu Surendranath’s
\nBhagalpur meeting. The Bengalee <\/i>against the "extremists" and the
\nEnglishman <\/i>against Mr. Banerji seem to be wonderfully unanimous! There is,
\nhowever, one statement of the Englishman<\/i>‘s <\/i>which is significant:
\n"Some Behari students apparently taking the cue set by Calcutta, it alleges,
\ncreated a disturbance, protesting against the proceedings. They intend, we
\nlearn, to call an indignation meeting." There is no breath of all this in the
\nBengalee <\/i>which represents the meeting as crowded, enthusiastic and
\nunanimous. We have seen some recent Calcutta meetings, very sparsely attended,
\nwhich have been represented as numbering thousands. It is about time that some
\nrein should be placed on the arithmetical imagination of reporters; otherwise we
\nshall justify Lord Curzon’s infamous attack<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage-167<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\nby growing into a nation of exaggerators. We wish to know also
\nwhether there is any truth in the Englishman’<\/i>s <\/i>report of
\nopposition. If there is opposition in Behar, it is better to know its extent and
\nreasons than to burke it by a disingenuous silence.<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n


\nBy The Way<\/a><\/font><\/h2>\n

\n <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\nThe
\nEnglishman <\/i>has been making all sorts of remarkable discoveries recently;
\nits activity in this field is stupendous. Recently, it discovered the
\nrespectability of the Congress. Yesterday, it suddenly found out that Mr.
\nDadabhai Naoroji is an angel. A comparative angel, of course, but still an
\nangel. He is pardoned all his wild and whirling speeches, his fiery
\ndenunciations of British rule, his immeasured expressions of condemnation; for
\nwill he not keep out Mr. Tilak from the Presidential Chair of the Calcutta
\nCongress? Why is it that the very name of this man, with his quiet manner of
\nspeech, his unobtrusive simplicity and integrity, his absence of noisy and
\npushing "patriotism", is such a terror to Moderate and Anglo-Indian alike? Far
\nmore tactful and measured in speech than Mr. Naoroji, the idea of him yet causes
\nthem an ague. It is because he is the one man among us who sees clearly and
\nacts. The man of action in the Presidential Chair of the Congress! The
\nAnglo-Indian envisages the idea and sees in it the very image of his doom. Of
\ncourse, it is the appearance of that wild new species, the "extremist", that is
\nresponsible for Mr. Naoroji’s angelic transfiguration. There is a delightful
\nflexibility about this word "extremist". It is imbued with a thoroughly
\nprogressive spirit and never stands still. Once quite within the memory of man,
\nBabu Surendranath Banerji was an "extremist" but his scarlet coat is growing
\nquite a dull and faded pink in these latter times. Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji was once
\ndenounced as a blatant extremist \u2014<\/span>
\nthat was the day before yesterday. But now that Mr. Shyamji Krishnavarma and his
\nHome Rulers raise their wild heads above the terrified horizon, Mr. Naoroji is
\non a fair way to being admitted into the sacred fold of the "statesman-like" and
\n"moderate". A still<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage-168<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\nworse species of fire-breathing monster has recently turned up in
\nthe Bengal extremist. And we look forward with blissful hope to the day when the
\nEnglishman
\n<\/i>will learn to respect the "notorious Bepin Chandra Pal" and embrace him
\ntearfully as the sole remaining bulwark against more anarchic monsters than
\nhimself. The upshot is that India progresses.<\/font><\/p>\n


\nBande Mataram<\/i>,
\n<\/i> <\/font>September 12, 1906<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\n
\nStrange Speculations<\/font><\/a> <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n


\n <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/b><\/p>\n

\nThe
\nStatesman, <\/i>not content with lecturing the Bengali leaders, opens its news
\ncolumns to curious speculations about the President of the next Congress. It is
\napparently not quite satisfied with Mr. Naoroji \u2014 a natural sentiment, since,
\nwhatever the moderates profess, Mr. Naoroji is not one of them, though he may
\nnot go the whole way with the advanced school. Accordingly, the name of Nawab
\nSayyed Mohammed is thrust forward \u2014 because he is a Mahomedan. The idea that the
\nelection of a Mahomedan President will conciliate the anti-Congress Mahomedans
\nis a futility which has been repeatedly exposed by experience. Mr. Rasul’s
\npresidentship at Barisal has not conciliated the following of the Nawab of
\nDacca; such nominations can only gratify those Mahomedans who are already for
\nthe Congress. The question this year for the Congress is Swadeshi or no
\nSwadeshi, Boycott or no Boycott, and no minor considerations can be admitted. A
\nstill more extraordinary piece of information is that Punjab will put up Lala
\nLajpat Rai against Mr. Tilak! We know, on the contrary, that Punjab is for Mr.
\nTilak and that Lala Lajpat Rai is the last man to countenance opposition to Mr.
\nTilak. In itself the candidature of Lala Lajpat Rai would not be unwelcome to
\nthe new party. He is one of those men who act, more than they talk, a man with a
\nsplendid record of solid patriotic work behind him and to him above all other
\nbelongs the credit of building up the Arya Samaj into the most powerful and
\npractically effective organisation in the country. Were both Mr. Tilak and Mr.
\nNaoroji to decline the Presidentship, Lala Lajpat Rai’s would be the only other
\npossible candidature.<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage-169<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\n
\nThe "Statesman" under
\nInspiration<\/font><\/a><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n


\n <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/b><\/p>\n

\nAn obviously inspired article appears in the Statesman <\/i>in
\nwhich a gallant attempt is made to misrepresent the issues before the country.
\nIt tries to convey the idea that the "extremists" have set up Mr. Tilak in
\nopposition to Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji. As everybody is aware, it was not until Mr.
\nTilak’s name was already put prominently before the country that the "moderate
\nsection", seeing no other way of avoiding the issue, bethought themselves of Mr.
\nNaoroji. On the issue of representation or no representation our contemporary
\naffects to be in doubt as to the position of the new party, and it discovers
\nthat the Bengali people are no longer unanimous against the Partition. How then
\ncan Mr. Morley reconsider the question? Need we inform the Statesman <\/i>that
\nthe Bengali people are as unanimous against the Partition as they ever were and
\nalways will be? We do not doubt Mr. Morley’s ability to find excuses for evading
\na concession which he has never meant to yield, unless his hand is forced. But
\nthe movement for a new representation is not only a contravention of the
\nunderstanding which had existed among all parties since the last Town Hall
\nmeeting, but it was hatched in secret and engineered in secret. The country was
\nnot taken into confidence as to the motives or justification for this important
\ndeparture. Had the old leaders acted straightforwardly in the matter and shown
\noverwhelmingly strong reasons for the step, the leaders of the new party,
\nalthough opposed on principle to the submission of new prayers and entreaties,
\nmight not have refused to countenance a strong and dignified representation
\nwhich did not sacrifice in any degree the policy of Swadeshi and Boycott. Since
\nthey would not adopt this straightforward course, it is fair to conclude that
\nthe case for a new representation was too weak to be publicly presented. We have
\ntherefore every right to appeal to the country to maintain the policy hitherto
\nsuccessful. Tighten the grip of the Boycott, let both parties unite to give a
\nnew impetus to the Swadeshi; paralyse the two-headed administration of Bengal by
\nevery legitimate means of passive resistance \u2014 and the Partition will inevitably
\nbe rescinded or modified.<\/font><\/p>\n


\nBande Mataram<\/i>,
\n<\/i> <\/font>September 13, 1906<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage-170<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n
\nA Disingenuous Defence<\/font><\/a> <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n


\n <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/b><\/p>\n

\n                       
\nThe strictures which the extraordinary announcement made at Bhagalpur by Babu
\nSurendranath Banerji has aroused, have compelled the Bengalee <\/i>to offer a
\nsort of apology or explanation for the unconstitutional action of the leaders.
\nIt was distinctly stated at Bhagalpur that Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji had accepted the
\nPresidentship of the Congress. It follows, therefore, that the Presidentship was
\nunconstitutionally offered to Mr. Naoroji by one or two individuals behind the
\nback of the Reception Committee. It is now explained that Mr. Naoroji simply
\nwired his willingness to accept the Presidentship offered to him. On this theory
\nthe offer was a private suggestion of individuals and the individuals made a
\npublic announcement of their private suggestion and its private acceptance, in
\norder to compromise the Reception Committee and force its hands. The explanation
\ntherefore does not exculpate the authors of this stratagem; it only makes their
\naction more disingenuous and tricky. No individual has any right to take
\nprivately the consent of Mr. Naoroji or another, as if the Presidentship
\ndepended on his choice. Until the Reception Committee has decided to whom it
\nwill offer the function, all that individuals, be they never so much leaders,
\nhave the authority to do is to put forward name or names for recommendation by
\nthe Committee. It is only after the Committee has made its decision that the
\nperson selected can be asked whether he is willing to accept the offer. If it is
\nthought necessary to make sure of this beforehand, that also can only be done
\nwith the sanction or by the direction of the Committee. The fact that the
\nBengalee
\n<\/i>should have advanced such a puerile quibble to justify the conduct of Babu
\nBhupendranath is a proof that these "constitutional" leaders have no conception
\nwhatever of what constitutional action means. The plea that it had long been
\nknown Mr. Naoroji was coming to India and it was therefore thought fit to ask
\nhim to preside at the Congress, is one which will command no credit. When did
\nthis "fitness" occur to men who were proposing Harram Singh and Mudholkar and
\neverybody and anybody, but never Mr. Naoroji; although it was known that he was
\ncoming to India? Not until Mr. Tilak’s name was<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage-171<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\nbefore the country and they saw that none of the mediocrities
\nthey had suggested could weigh in the scale with the great Maratha leader. Not
\nby these sophisms will the Calcutta autocrats escape the discredit of their
\nactions.<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n


\nBande Mataram<\/i>,
\n<\/i> <\/font> September 14, 1906<\/font><\/p>\n


\nThe Friend Found Out<\/a><\/span><\/font><\/h2>\n


\n <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/b><\/p>\n

\nOur frank criticism of the political ideals in regard to India,
\nof the Anglo-Indian leaders of the Congress has revealed the old "Friend of
\nIndia" in his true colour. This friend who could not in the last century brook
\nthe thought that there was anything worthy of reverence in the spiritual ideals
\nof the Hindu and fell foul of Rammohan Roy for his advocacy of rational and
\nspiritual Hinduism cannot now be patient with those who claim the common right
\nof humanity to manage its own affairs and realise its own divinely appointed
\ndestiny without foreign interference and control. We have long ceased to believe
\nin the sincerity of the sympathy of the British middle class who thrives upon
\nour serfdom, with our civic and economic needs and aspirations. The Statesman<\/i>‘s <\/i>
\nill-tempered attack on us comes not therefore as a surprise and if it acts as an
\neye-opener to our infatuated "moderate" friends, we shall feel ourselves more
\nthan amply compensated for the hysterical and violent attack inspired by a
\nnervous anticipation of the inevitable. But perhaps we are misjudging our
\nfriend, for though the hand is the hand of Jacob, the voice is the voice of
\nEsau.<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\n"An open foe may prove a curse,<\/font><\/p>\n

\nBut a pretended friend is worse."<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\n
\nStopgap Won’t Do<\/font><\/a><\/b><\/p>\n


\n <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

<\/b><\/p>\n

\nEven
\nIndia <\/i>has sometimes a ray of light in the midst of its twilight obscurity
\nand crass lack of insight. Thus saith the organ of the Cottons and Wedderburns:
\n"Mr. Morley will not be Secretary of<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage-172<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\nState for India for ever and a day. So long as he is at the helm,
\nthe prow of the ship will be set in the right direction. But what will happen
\nwhen his controlling hand is removed?" Precisely so, Mr. Morley may set the prow
\nin the right direction, but it is perfectly evident from his public statements
\nthat he is not prepared to travel fast or far; on the contrary he is utterly
\nagainst any decision and effective treatment of the intolerable situation in
\nIndia. He is simply going to repeat an experiment which has failed and is out of
\ndate. We shall therefore gain little during his lease of power \u2014 and afterwards?
\nWho shall secure us against another Curzonian reaction? We therefore say that an
\ninstalment of effective self-government is the one thing which the Congress
\nshould insist on because it is the one thing which will make reaction
\nimpossible. We farther contend that an effective instalment of self-government
\nnot only ought to be but must inevitably be the first step towards complete
\nautonomy. For the statement of these plain and indisputable truths we must,
\nforsooth, be dubbed "seditionists" and "extremists", not only by Anglo-Indian
\npapers for whose opinion we do not care a straw, but by Indian Journals
\nprofessing to be nationalist. There could not be a greater evidence of the dull
\nservility of attitude, the fear of truth and the unworthy timidity which has
\nbecome ingrained in our habits of mind by long acquiescence in servitude. If
\nthese things are sedition, then we are undoubtedly seditious and will persist in
\nour sedition till the end of the chapter.<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n


\nBY THE WAY<\/a><\/font><\/h2>\n

\n <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n

\nThe
\nBengalee <\/i>came out on Sunday with an extraordinary leader in which it
\nappeals to its opponents to sink all personal differences and unite in one
\ncommon cause. The better to further this desirable end it kicks them severely
\nall round so as to bring them into a reasonable state of mind. The opponents of
\nthe Bengalee <\/i>are all actuated by base personal motives; their organs of
\nopinion are upstart journals trying to create a sensation; their championing of
\nadvanced political principles is a trick of the trade, etc. etc. And
\ntherefore
\n<\/i>the Bengalee <\/i>appeals to them to be<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage-173<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\nfriendly, toe the line and follow faithfully in the wake of Babu
\nSurendranath Banerji. Does our contemporary really think that this is the sort
\nof appeal which is likely to heal the breach?<\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n*<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n


\n           
\n<\/font>
\n<\/span>The praise and approval of the Anglo-Indian papers, says
\nthe Bengalee <\/i>wisely, is a sure sign that we are on the wrong road. Let
\nthe galled jade wince, our withers are unwrung. On this principle, we ought to
\ngo on our way rejoicing. If there is one pleasing feature of the present
\nsituation, it is the remarkable unanimity with which the Anglo-Indian Press has
\ngreeted our appearance in the field with a shriek of denunciation and called on
\nHeaven and Earth and the Government and the Moderates to league together and
\ncrush us out of existence. Statesman
\n<\/i>and Englishman<\/i>, Times <\/i>and Pioneer<\/i>, <\/i>all their
\ndiscordant notes meet in one concord on this grand swelling theme. The
\n"moderate" papers of all shades, pro-Government or advocates of association with
\nGovernment or advocates of association-cum-opposition, have all risen to the
\ncall. The Hindu Patriot <\/i>rejoices at our lack of influence, the Mirror <\/i>
\nthreatens us with the prison and the scaffold, the Bengalee <\/i>mutters about
\nupstart journals and warns people against the morass which is the inevitable
\ngoal, in its opinion, of a forward policy. Well, well, well! Here is an
\nextraordinary and most inexplicable clamour about an upstart journal and a party
\nwithout influence or following in the country.<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\n*<\/p>\n

\n <\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n


\n           
\n<\/font>
\n<\/span>The Statesman <\/i>is taking its cue from the Mirror <\/i>
\nand is growing very truculent and minatory. It is not going to give us any
\nquarter, this merciless "Friend of India", but will abolish, expunge and blot us
\nout of existence in no time. It will not consent to support Indian aspirations
\nunless we consent to perform hara-kiri<\/i>. <\/i>It will advise its friend
\nMr. Morley to make no concession, no, not even increase the number of our
\nLegislative Honourables, until even the very scent of a "sedition" can no longer
\nbe sniffed in the Indian breezes.<\/font><\/p>\n


\nBande Mataram<\/i>,
\n<\/i> <\/font> September 17, 1906<\/font><\/p>\n

\n <\/p>\n

\nPage-174<\/font><\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The Old Policy and the New                           BABU Bhupendranath Bose has issued a manifesto of his views in the Bengalee, in which he explains…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[8],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-390","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-01-bande-mataram-volume-01","wpcat-8-id"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/390","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=390"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/390\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=390"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=390"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=390"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}