{"id":532,"date":"2013-07-13T01:28:40","date_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:28:40","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/?p=532"},"modified":"2013-07-13T01:28:40","modified_gmt":"2013-07-13T01:28:40","slug":"24-messages-vol-26-on-himself-volume-26","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/worksofthemotherandsriaurobindo.org\/index.php\/01-works-of-sri-aurobindo\/01-sabcl\/26-on-himself-volume-26\/24-messages-vol-26-on-himself-volume-26","title":{"rendered":"-24_Messages.htm"},"content":{"rendered":"\n\n
\n


\nMESSAGES<\/span><\/font><\/span><\/p>\n


\nON THE WAR<\/font><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00b9Some forces are
\nworking for the Divine, some are quite anti-divine in their aim and purpose.<\/span><\/p>\n

If
\nthe nations or the governments who are blindly the instruments of the divine forces
\nwere perfectly pure and divine in their processes and forms of action as well
\nas in the inspiration they receive so ignorantly they would be invincible,
\nbecause the divine forces themselves are invincible. It is the mixture in the
\noutward expression that gives to the Asura the right to defeat them.<\/span><\/p>\n

To
\nbe a successful instrument for the Asuric forces is easy, because they take all
\nthe movements of your lower nature and make use of them, so that you have no
\nspiritual effort to make. On the contrary, if you are to be a fit instrument of
\nthe Divine Force you must make yourself perfectly pure, since it is only in an
\nintegrally divinised instrument that the Divine Force will have its full power
\nand effect.<\/span><\/p>\n

4-7-1940<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00b2we feel that not
\nonly is this a battle waged in just self-defence and in defence of the nations
\nthreatened with the world-domination of Germany and the Nazi system of life,
\nbut that it is a defence of civilisation and its highest attained social,
\ncultural and spiritual values and of the whole future of humanity. To this
\ncause our support and sympathy will be unswerving whatever may happen; we look
\nforward to the victory of Britain and, as the eventual result, an era of peace
\nand union among the nations and a better and more secure world-order.<\/span><\/p>\n

19-9-1940<\/span><\/p>\n


\n1<\/font><\/span><\/sup> From a letter to a disciple.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n


\n2<\/font><\/span><\/sup> This letter was addressed to the Governor of Madras covering
\na contribution to the Viceroy’s War Purposes Fund, made as a token of a
\ncomplete adhesion to the<\/font><\/span> <\/font>
\nAllied cause. It was
\nwritten at the time of the collapse of France and the threatened collapse of
\nBritain. It was placed at the disposal of the Governor for publicity in case-
\nof need.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 393<\/font><\/p>\n

\n
\n

said
\nthat you have begun to doubt whether it was the Mother’s war and ask me to make
\nyou feel again that it is. I affirm again to you most strongly that this is the
\nMother’s war. You should not think of it as a fight for certain nations against
\nothers or even for India; it is a struggle for an ideal that has to establish
\nitself on earth in the life of humanity, for a Truth that has yet to realise itself fully and against a
\ndarkness and falsehood that are trying to overwhelm the earth and mankind in
\nthe immediate future. It is the forces behind the battle that have to be seen
\nand not this or that superficial circumstance. It is no use concentrating on
\nthe defects or mistakes of nations; all have defects and commit serious
\nmistakes; but what matters is on what side they have ranged themselves in the
\nstruggle. It is a struggle for the liberty of mankind to develop, for
\nconditions in which men have freedom and room to think and act according to the
\nlight in them and grow in the Truth, grow in the Spirit. There cannot be the
\nslightest doubt that if one side wins, there will be an end of all such freedom
\nand hope of light and truth and the work that has to be done will be subjected
\nto conditions which would make it humanly impossible; there will be a reign of
\nfalsehood and darkness, a cruel oppression and degradation for most of the
\nhuman race such as people in this country do not dream of and cannot yet at all
\nrealise. If the other side that has declared itself for the free future of
\nhumanity triumphs, this terrible danger will have been averted and conditions
\nwill have been created in which there will be a chance for the Ideal to grow,
\nfor the Divine Work to be done, for the spiritual Truth for which we stand to
\nestablish itself on the earth. Those who fight for this cause are fighting for
\nthe Divine and against the threatened reign of the Asura.<\/span><\/p>\n

29-7-1942 <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00b2What we say is
\nnot that the Allies have not done wrong things,<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

1<\/font><\/span><\/sup> This letter was written to a disciple in answer to his
\ndoubts about Sri Aurobindo’s publicly declared standpoint with regard to the
\nWar.<\/font><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

2<\/font><\/span><\/sup> These are extracts from a letter written to a disciple in
\nanswer to certain doubts and mis\u00adgivings regarding Sri Aurobindo’s
\nunconditional and all-out help to the Allies in the War.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\nPage \u2013 394<\/font><\/p>\n

\n
\n

but that they stand on the side of the
\nevolutionary forces. I have not said that at random, but on what to me are
\nclear grounds of fact. What you speak of is the dark side. All nations and
\ngovernments have been that in their dealings with each other, \u2014 at least all
\nwho had the strength and got the chance. I hope you are not expecting me to
\nbelieve that there are or have been virtuous governments and unselfish and
\nsinless peoples! But there is the other side also. You are condemning the
\nAllies on grounds that people in the past would have stared at, on the basis of
\nmodern ideals of international conduct; looked at like that all have black
\nrecords. But who created these ideals or did most to create them (liberty,
\ndemocracy, equality, international justice and the rest)? Well, America,
\nFrance, England\u2014the present Allied nations. They have all been imperialistic
\nand still bear the burden of their past, but they have also deliberately spread
\nthese ideals and spread too the institutions which try to embody them. Whatever
\nthe relative worth of these things \u2014 they have been a stage, even if a still
\nimperfect stage of the forward evolution. (What about the others? Hitler, for
\nexample, says it is a crime to educate the coloured peoples, they must be kept
\nas serfs and labourers.) England has helped certain nations to be free without
\nseeking any personal gain; she has also conceded independence to Egypt and Eire
\nafter a struggle, to Iraq without a struggle. She has been moving away
\nsteadily, if slowly, from imperialism towards co-operation; the British
\nCommonwealth of England and the Dominions is something unique and
\nunprecedented, a beginning of new things in that direction: she is moving in
\nidea towards a world-union of some kind in which aggression is to be made
\nimpossible; her new generation has no longer the old firm belief in mission and
\nempire; she has offered India Dominion independence\u2014or even sheer isolated
\nindependence, if she wants that, \u2014 after the war, with an agreed free
\nconstitution to be chosen by Indians themselves…. All that is what I call
\nevolution in the right direction \u2014 however slow and imperfect and hesitating
\nit may still be. As for America she has forsworn her past imperialistic
\npolicies in regard to Central and South America, she has conceded independence
\nto Cuba and the Philippines. … Is there a similar trend on the side of the
\nAxis? One has to<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\nPage \u2013 395<\/font><\/p>\n

\n
\n

look at things on all sides, to see them steadily
\nand whole. Once again, it is the forces working behind that I have to look at,
\nI don’t want to go blind among surface details. The future has to be
\nsafeguarded; only then can present troubles and contradictions have a chance
\nto be solved and eliminated….<\/span><\/p>\n

For
\nus the question does not arise. We made it plain in a letter which has been
\nmade public that we did not consider the war as a fight between nations and
\ngovernments (still less between good people arid bad people) but between two
\nforces, the Divine and the Asuric. What we have to see is on which side men and
\nnations put themselves; if they put themselves on the right side, they at once
\nmake themselves instruments of the Divine purpose in spite of all defects,
\nerrors, wrong movements and actions which are common to human nature and all
\nhuman collectivities. The victory of one side (the Allies) would keep the path
\nopen for the evolutionary forces: the victory of the other side would drag back
\nhumanity, degrade it horribly and might lead even, at the worst, to its
\neventual failure as a race, as others in the past evolution failed and
\nperished. That is the whole question and all other considerations are either
\nirrelevant or of a minor importance. The Allies at least have stood for human
\nvalues, though they may often act against their own best ideals (human beings
\nalways do that); Hitler stands for diabolical values or for human values
\nexaggerated in the wrong way until they become diabolical (e.g. the virtues of
\nthe Herrenvolk, the master race). That does not make the English or Americans
\nnations of spotless angels nor the Germans a wicked and sinful race, but as an
\nindicator it has a primary importance….<\/span><\/p>\n

The
\nKurukshetra example is not to be taken as an exact parallel but rather as a
\ntraditional instance of the war between two world-forces in which the side favoured by the Divine triumphed, because the leaders made themselves His
\ninstruments. It is not to be envisaged as a battle between virtue and
\nwickedness, the good and the evil men. After all, were even the Pandavas virtuous
\nwithout defect, quite unselfish and without passions?…<\/span><\/p>\n

Were
\nnot the Pandavas fighting to establish their own claims and interests just and
\nright, no doubt, but still personal claims and self-interest ? Theirs was a
\nrighteous battle, dharmya-yuddha,<\/i><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\nPage \u2013 396<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

but it was for right and justice, in their
\nown case. And if imperialism, empire-building by armed force, is under all
\ncircums\u00adtances a wickedness, then the Pandavas are tinted with that brush, for
\nthey used their victory to establish their empire, con\u00adtinued after them by Parikshit
\nand Janamejaya. Could not modern humanism and pacifism make it a reproach
\nagainst the Pandavas that these virtuous men (including Krishna) brought about
\na huge slaughter that they might become supreme rulers over all the numerous
\nfree and independent peoples of India? That would be the result of weighing old
\nhappenings in the scales of modern ideals. As a matter of fact such an empire
\nwas a step in the right direction then, just as world-union of free peoples
\nwould be a step in the right direction now, \u2014 in both cases the right
\nconsequences of a terrific slaughter….<\/span><\/p>\n

We
\nshould remember that conquest and rule over subject peoples were not regarded
\nas wrong either in ancient or mediaeval or quite recent times but as something
\ngreat and glorious; men did not see any special wickedness in conquerors or
\nconquering nations. Just government of subject peoples was envisaged but
\nnothing more \u2014 exploitation was not excluded. The modern ideas on the subject,
\nthe right of all to liberty, both individuals and nations, the immorality of
\nconquest and empire, or such compromises as the British idea of training
\nsubject races for democratic freedom, are new values, an evolutionary movement; this is a new Dharma
\nwhich has only begun slowly and initially to influence practice, \u2014 an infant
\nDharma which would have been throttled for good if Hitler succeeded in his "Avataric"
\nmission and established his new "religion" over all the earth.
\nSubject nations naturally accept the new Dharma and severely criticise the old
\nimperialisms; it is to be hoped that they will practise what they now preach
\nwhen they themselves become strong and rich and powerful. But the best will be
\nif a new world-order evolves, even if at first stumblingly or incompletely,
\nwhich will make the old things impossible \u2014 a difficult task, but not
\nabsolutely impossible.<\/span><\/p>\n

The
\nDivine takes men as they are and uses men as His instruments even if they are not
\nflawless in virtue, angelic, holy and pure. If they are of good will, if, to
\nuse the Biblical phrase, they<\/span><\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 397<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

are on the Lord’s side, that is enough for
\nthe work to be done. Even if I knew that the Allies would misuse their victory
\nor bungle the peace or partially at least spoil the opportunities opened to the
\nhuman world by that victory, I would still put my force behind them. At any
\nrate things could not be one-hundredth part as bad as they would be under
\nHitler. The ways of the Lord would still be open \u2014 to keep them open is what
\nmatters. Let us stick to the real, the central fact, the need to remove the
\nperil of black servitude and revived barbarism threatening India and the world,
\nand leave for a later time all side-issues and minor issues or hypothetical
\nproblems that would cloud the one all-important tragic issue before us.<\/span><\/p>\n

3-9-1943<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n


\nP.S.<\/span><\/b> Ours is a Sadhana which involves
\nnot only devotion or union with the Divine or a perception of Him in all things
\nand beings but also action as workers and instruments and a work to be done in
\nthe world or a force to be brought in the world under difficult
\nconditions;-then one has to see one’s way and do what is commanded and support
\nwhat has to be supported, even if it means war and strife carried on whether
\nthrough chariots and bows and arrows or tanks and cars and American bombs and
\nplanes, in either case ghoram karma:<\/i> the means and times and persons
\ndiffer but it does not seem to me that X is wrong in seeing in it the same
\nproblem as in Kurukshetra. As for violence etc. the old command rings out for
\nus once again after many ages: <\/span>"Mayaivaite nihatāh<\/span>̣<\/span> pūrvameva
\nnimittamātram bhava Savyasācin."<\/span><\/i>1<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n

Who
\nare these people who have such a tenderness for Hitler and object to his being
\ncompared to Duryodhana? I hope they are not among those \u2014 (spiritual people
\namong them, I am told,) \u2014 who believe Hitler to be the new Avatar and his
\nreligion (God help us!) to be the true religion which we must help to establish
\nthroughout the -wide world ? or among those who regard Hitler as a great and
\ngood man, a saint, an ascetic and all that is noble and god-like?<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\u00b9"By Me and none
\nother already even are they slain, do thou become the occasion only. O Savyasachin."
\nGita,<\/i> Ch. <\/b> XI, 33.<\/font><\/span> <\/span><\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 398<\/font><\/p>\n

\n


\nGERMANY AFTER THE WAR<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

This is no time
\nfor patting the Germans on the back or embracing and consoling them. If they
\nare allowed to get on their legs again without trouble or without making an
\natonement for the horror of darkness and suffering they have inflicted on the
\nworld, they will rise only to repeat their performance \u2014 unless somebody else
\nforestalls them. The only help we can give to Germany now is
\nsilence.<\/span><\/p>\n

\n19-3-1946<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n

\n
\n      MESSAGE TO SIR STAFFORD CRIPPS<\/font><\/b><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

I have heard your
\nbroadcast. As one who has been a nationalist leader and worker for India’s
\nindependence, though now my activity is no longer in the political but in the
\nspiritual field, I wish to express my appreciation of all you have done to
\nbring about this offer. I welcome it as an opportunity given to India to
\ndetermine for herself, and organise in all liberty of choice, her freedom and
\nunity, and take an effective place among the world’s free nations. I hope that
\nit will be accepted, and right use made of it, putting aside all discords and
\ndivisions. I hope too that friendly relations between Britain and India
\nreplacing the past struggles, will be a step towards a greater world union in
\nwhich, as a free nation, her spiritual force will contribute to build for
\nmankind a better and happier life. In this light, I offer my public adhesion,
\nin case it can be of any help in your work.1<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n

\n31-3-1942<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n

\n
\nSRI AUROBINDO’S POSITION ON INDIA’S INDEPENDENCE<\/font>2 <\/font> <\/sup><\/span>
\n<\/font><\/p>\n


\nSri Aurobindo thinks it
\nunnecessary to volunteer a personal<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\u00b9SIR
\nS. CRIPPS’ TELEGRAM IN REPLY TO SRI AUROBINDO’S MESSAGE:<\/font><\/span><\/font><\/p>\n

\nI am
\nmost touched and gratified by your kind message allowing me to inform<\/font><\/span><\/font><\/p>\n

\n  India
\nthat you who occupy unique position in imagination of Indian youth, <\/font><\/span><\/font><\/p>\n

\n are
\nconvinced that declaration of His Majesty’s Government substantially <\/font><\/span><\/font><\/p>\n

\n
\nconfers that freedom for which Indian Nationalism has so long struggled.  <\/span> <\/font><\/span><\/font><\/p>\n

\n 1-4-1942<\/font><\/span><\/font><\/p>\n

\n

\n2<\/sup> This statement was given
\nin reply to a request from Amrita Bazar Patrika<\/i> <\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\nfor Sri<\/font><\/span>
\nAurobindo’s views on the British Cabinet
\nMission, 1946.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\nPage \u2013 399<\/font><\/p>\n

\n

pronouncement,
\nthough he would give his views if officially approached for them. His position
\nis known. He has always stood for India’s complete independence which he was
\nthe first to advocate publicly and without compromise as the only ideal worthy
\nof a self-respecting nation. In 1910 he authorised the publication of his
\nprediction1<\/sup> that after a long period of wars, world-wide upheavals
\nand revolutions beginning after four years, India would achieve her freedom.
\nLately he has said that freedom was coming soon and nothing could prevent it.
\nHe has always foreseen that eventually Britain would approach India for an
\namicable agreement, conceding her freedom. What he had foreseen is now coming
\nto pass and the British Cabinet Mission is the sign. It remains for the
\nnation’s leaders to make a right and full use of the opportunity. In any case,
\nwhatever the immediate outcome, the Power that has been working out this event
\nwill not be denied, the final result, India’s liberation, is sure.<\/span><\/p>\n

\n24-3-1946<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n

\n
\nTHE FIFTEENTH OF AUGUST 1947<\/font><\/b><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\u00b2August 15th is
\nthe birthday of free India. It marks for her the end of an old era, the
\nbeginning of a new age. But it has a significance not only for us, but for
\nAsia and the whole world; for it signifies the entry into the comity of nations
\nof a new power with untold potentialities which has a great part to play in
\ndetermining the political, social, cultural and spiritual future of humanity.
\nTo me personally it must naturally be gratifying that this date which was
\nnotable only for me because it was my own birthday celebrated annually by those
\nwho have accepted my gospel of<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n1<\/sup> See p. 390.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n2<\/sup> This message, given at the
\nrequest of the All India Radio, Trichinopoly, for the 15th August 1947, is in
\ntwo versions. The original version was found to be a little too long for the
\ntime allotted for the message; so in the second version it was slightly
\nabridged and recast. It is this second version that was broadcast from the All
\nIndia Radio on the 14th August 1947. Both the versions are published here
\nconsecutively.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 400<\/font><\/p>\n

\n
\n

life, should have acquired this vast significance.
\nAs a mystic, I take this identification, not as a coincidence or fortuitous
\nacci\u00addent, but as a sanction and seal of the Divine Power which guides my steps
\non the work with which I began life. Indeed almost all the world movements
\nwhich I hoped to see fulfilled in my life\u00adtime, though at that time they looked
\nlike impossible dreams, I can observe on this day either approaching fruition
\nor initiated and on the way to their achievement.<\/span><\/p>\n

I have been asked for a message on this
\ngreat occasion, but I am perhaps hardly in a position to give one. All I can do
\nis to make a personal declaration of the aims and ideals conceived in my
\nchildhood and youth and now watched in their beginning of fulfilment, because
\nthey are relevant to the freedom of India, since they are a part of what I
\nbelieve to be India’s future work, something in which she cannot but take a
\nleading position. For I have always held and said that India was arising, not
\nto serve her own material interests only, to achieve expansion, greatness,
\npower and prosperity, \u2014 though these too she must not neglect, \u2014 and certainly
\nnot like others to acquire domination of other peoples, but to live also for
\nGod and the world as a helper and leader of the whole human race. Those aims
\nand ideals were in their natural order these: a revolution which would achieve
\nIndia’s freedom and her unity; the resurgence and liberation of Asia and her
\nreturn to the great role which she had played in the progress of human
\ncivilisation; the rise of a new, a greater, brighter and nobler life for
\nmankind which for its entire realisation would rest outwardly on an
\ninternational unification of the separate existence of the peoples, preserving
\nand securing their national life but drawing them together into an overriding
\nand consummating oneness; the gift by India of her spiritual knowledge and her
\nmeans for the spiritualisation of life to the whole race; finally, a new step
\nin the evolution which, by uplifting the consciousness to a higher level, would
\nbegin the solution of the many problems of existence which have perplexed and
\nvexed humanity, since men began to think and to dream of individual perfection
\nand a perfect society.<\/span><\/p>\n

India is free but she has not achieved
\nunity, only a fissured and broken freedom. At one time it almost seemed as if
\nshe<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\nPage \u2013 401<\/font><\/p>\n

\n
\n

\nmight relapse into the chaos of separate States which
\npreceded the British conquest. Fortunately there has now developed a strong
\npossibility that this disastrous relapse will be avoided. The wisely drastic
\npolicy of the Constituent Assembly makes it possible that the problem of the
\ndepressed classes will be solved without schism or fissure. But the old
\ncommunal division into Hindu and Muslim seems to have hardened into the figure
\nof a permanent political division of the country. It is to be hoped that the
\nCongress and the nation will not accept the settled fact as for ever settled or
\nas anything more than a temporary expedient. For if it lasts, India may be
\nseriously weakened, even crippled: civil strife may remain always possible, possible even
\na new invasion and foreign conquest. The partition of the country must go, \u2014
\nit is to be hoped by a slackening of tension, by a progressive understanding
\nof the need of peace and concord, by the constant necessity of common and
\nconcerted action, even of an instrument of union for that purpose. In this way
\nunity may come about under whatever form \u2014 the exact form may have a pragmatic
\nbut not-a fundamental importance. But by whatever means, the division must and
\nwill go. For without it the destiny of India might be seriously impaired and
\neven frustrated. But that must not be.<\/font><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\nAsia has arisen and large parts of it have been
\nliberated or are at this moment being liberated; its other still subject parts
\nare moving through whatever struggles towards freedom. Only a little has to be
\ndone and that will be done today or tomorrow. There India has her part to play
\nand has begun to play it with an energy and ability which already indicate the
\nmeasure other possibilities and the place she can take in the council of the
\nnations.<\/font><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\nThe unification of mankind is under way, though only
\nin an imperfect initiative, organised but struggling against tremendous
\ndifficulties. But the momentum is there and, if the experience of history can
\nbe taken as a guide, it must inevitably increase until it conquers. Here too
\nIndia has begun to play a prominent part and, if she can develop that larger
\nstatesmanship which is not limited by the present facts and immediate possibilities
\nbut looks into the future and brings it nearer, her presence may make all the
\ndifference between a slow and timid and a bold and swift<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\nPage \u2013 402<\/font><\/p>\n

\n
\n

\ndevelopment. A catastrophe may intervene and interrupt
\nor destroy what is being done, but even then the final result is sure. For in
\nany case the unification is a necessity in the course of Nature, an inevitable
\nmovement and its achievement can be safely foretold. Its necessity for the
\nnations also is clear, for without it the freedom of the small peoples can
\nnever be safe hereafter and even large and powerful nations cannot really be
\nsecure. India, if she remains divided, will not herself be sure of her safety.
\nIt is therefore to the interest of all that union should take place. Only human
\nimbecility and stupid selfishness could prevent it. Against that, it has been
\nsaid, even the gods strive in vain; but it cannot stand for ever against the
\nnecessity of Nature and the Divine Will. Nationalism will then have fulfilled
\nitself; an international spirit and outlook must grow up and
\ninternational forms and institutions; even it may be such developments as
\ndual or multilateral citizenship and a voluntary fusion of cultures may appear
\nin the process of the change and the spirit of nationalism losing its militancy
\nmay find these things perfectly compatible with the integrity of its own
\noutlook. A new spirit of oneness will take hold of the human race.<\/font><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\nThe spiritual gift of
\nIndia to the world has already begun. India’s spirituality is entering Europe
\nand America in an ever increasing measure. That movement will grow; amid the
\ndisasters of the time more and more eyes are turning towards her with hope and
\nthere is even an increasing resort not only to her teachings, but to her
\npsychic and spiritual practice.<\/font><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\nThe rest is still a
\npersonal hope and an idea and ideal which has begun to take hold both in India
\nand in the West on for\u00adward-looking minds. The difficulties in the way are more
\nformidable than in any other field of endeavour, but difficulties were made to
\nbe overcome and if the Supreme Will is there, they will be overcome. Here too,
\nif this evolution is to take place, since it must come through a growth of the
\nspirit and the inner consciousness, the initiative can come from India and
\nalthough the scope must be universal, the central movement may be hers.<\/font><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\nSuch is the content which
\nI put into this date of India’s liberation; whether or how far or how soon this
\nconnection will be fulfilled, depends upon this new and free India.<\/font><\/span> <\/span><\/p>\n

\nPage \u2013 403<\/font><\/p>\n

\n
\n


\nON THE WAR<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n


\nTHE FIFTEENTH OF AUGUST
\n1947 <\/font> <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n


\nII<\/font><\/span><\/font><\/p>\n

August 15th, 1947 is the birthday of free <\/span>India<\/span>. It marks for her the end of an old
\nera, the beginning of a new age. But we can also make it by our life and acts
\nas a free nation an important date in a new age opening for the whole world,
\nfor the political, social, cultural and spiritual future of humanity.<\/span><\/p>\n

August 15th is my own birthday and it is
\nnaturally gratifying to me that it should have assumed this vast significance.
\nI take this coincidence, not as a fortuitous accident, but as the sanction and
\nseal of the Divine Force that guides my steps on the work with which I began
\nlife, the beginning of its full fruition. Indeed, on this day I can watch
\nalmost all the world-movements which I hoped to see fulfilled in my lifetime,
\nthough then they looked like impracticable dreams, arriving at fruition or on
\ntheir way to achievement. In all these movements free <\/span>India<\/span> may well play a large part and take
\na leading position.<\/span><\/p>\n

The first of these dreams was a revolutionary
\nmovement which would create a free and united <\/span>India<\/span>. <\/span>India<\/span> today is free but she has not
\nachieved unity. At one moment it almost seemed as if in the very act of
\nliberation she would fall back into the chaos of separate States which preceded
\nthe British conquest. But fortunately it now seems probable that this danger
\nwill be averted and a large and powerful, though not yet a complete union will
\nbe established. Also, the wisely drastic policy of the Constituent Assembly has
\nmade it probable that the problem of the depressed classes will be solved
\nwithout schism or fissure. But the old communal division into Hindus and
\nMuslims seems now to have hardened into a permanent political division of the
\ncountry. It is to be hoped that this settled fact will not be accepted as
\nsettled for ever or as anything more than a temporary expedient. For if it
\nlasts, <\/span>India<\/span> may be seriously weak\u00adened, even crippled: civil strife may remain always possible, pos\u00adsible
\neven a new invasion and foreign conquest. <\/span>India<\/span>‘s internal development and
\nprosperity may be impeded, her position among the nations weakened, her destiny
\nimpaired or even frustrated.<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

Page \u2013 404<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\n

\nThis must
\nnot be; the partition must go. Let us hope that that may come about naturally,
\nby an increasing recognition of the necessity not only of peace and concord but
\nof common action, by the practice of common action and the creation of means
\nfor that purpose. In this way unity may finally come about under whatever form
\n\u2014 the exact form may have a pragmatic but not a fundamental importance. But by
\nwhatever means, in whatever way, the division must go; unity must and will be
\nachieved, for it is necessary for the greatness of <\/span>India<\/span>‘s future.<\/span><\/p>\n

Another dream was for the resurgence and
\nliberation of the peoples of <\/span>Asia<\/span> and her return to her great role in the
\nprogress of human civilisation. <\/span>Asia<\/span> has arisen;
\nlarge parts are now quite free or are at this moment being liberated: its other
\nstill subject or partly subject parts are moving through whatever struggles
\ntowards freedom. Only a little has to be done and that will be done today or
\ntomorrow. There <\/span>India<\/span> has her part to play and has begun
\nto play it with an energy and ability which already indicate the measure of her
\npossibilities and the place she can take in the council of the nations.<\/span><\/p>\n

The third dream was a world-union forming the
\nouter basis of a fairer, brighter and nobler life for all mankind. That uni\u00adfication
\nof the human world is under way; there is an
\nimperfect initiation organised but struggling against tremendous difficulties.
\nBut the momentum is there and it must inevitably increase and conquer. Here too
\nIndia has begun to play a prominent part and, if she can develop that larger
\nstatesmanship which is not limited by the present facts and immediate
\npossibilities but looks into the future and brings it nearer, her presence may
\nmake all the difference between a slow and timid and a bold and swift
\ndevelopment. A catastrophe may intervene and interrupt or destroy what is being
\ndone, but even then the final result is sure. For unification is a necessity of
\nNature, an inevitable movement. Its necessity for the nations is also clear,
\nfor without it the free\u00addom of the small nations may be at any moment in peril
\nand the life even of the large and powerful nations insecure. The unifica\u00adtion
\nis therefore to the interests of all, and only human imbecility and stupid
\nselfishness can prevent it; but these cannot
\nstand for ever against the necessity of Nature and the Divine Will. But an<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

Page \u2013 405<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\n

\noutward basis
\nis not enough; there must grow up an interna\u00adtional spirit and outlook,
\ninternational forms and institutions must appear, perhaps such developments as
\ndual or multilateral citizenship, willed interchange or voluntary fusion of
\ncultures. Nationalism will have fulfilled itself and lost its militancy and
\nwould no longer find these things incompatible with self-preser\u00advation and the integrality of its outlook. A new spirit
\nof oneness will take hold of the human race.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\nAnother
\ndream, the spiritual gift of <\/font> <\/span>
\nIndia<\/font><\/span>
\nto the world has already begun. <\/font> <\/span>
\nIndia<\/font><\/span>‘s
\nspirituality is entering <\/font> <\/span>
\n
\nEurope<\/font><\/span>
\nand <\/font> <\/span>
\n
\nAmerica<\/font><\/span>
\nin an ever increasing measure. That movement will grow; amid the disasters of
\nthe time more and more eyes are turning towards her with hope and there is even
\nan increasing resort not only to her teachings, but to her psychic and
\nspiritual practice.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\nThe
\nfinal dream was a step in evolution which would raise man to a higher and
\nlarger consciousness and begin the solution of the problems which have
\nperplexed and vexed him since he first began to think and to dream of
\nindividual perfection and a perfect society. This is still a personal hope and
\nan idea, an ideal which has begun to take hold both in <\/font> <\/span>
\nIndia<\/font><\/span>
\nand in the West on forward-looking minds. The difficulties in the way are more
\nfor\u00admidable than in any other field of endeavour, but difficulties were made to
\nbe overcome and if the Supreme Will is there, they will be overcome. Here too,
\nif this evolution is to take place, since it must proceed through a growth of
\nthe spirit and the inner con\u00adsciousness, the initiative can come from <\/font> <\/span>
\nIndia<\/font><\/span>
\nand, although the scope must be universal, the central movement may be hers.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\nSuch
\nis the content which I put into this date of <\/font> <\/span>
\nIndia<\/font><\/span>‘s
\nlibe\u00adration; whether or how far this hope will be justified depends upon the
\nnew and free <\/font> <\/span>
\nIndia<\/font><\/span>.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\nA MESSAGE1<\/sup><\/span><\/font><\/p>\n


\n <\/sup>I would have preferred silence in the face
\nof these circumstances<\/span><\/span><\/font><\/p>\n

\n
\n1<\/sup><\/i> Given in answer to a request from the All India Radio, Trichinopoly,
\non the occasion of Mahatma Gandhi’s death.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

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\n
\n

\n
\nthat surround us. For any
\nwords we can find fall flat amid such happenings. This much, however, I will
\nsay that the Light which led us to freedom, though not yet to unity, still
\nburns and will burn on till it conquers. I believe firmly that a great and
\nunited future is the destiny of this nation and its peoples. The Power that
\nbrought us through so much struggle and suffering to free\u00addom, will achieve
\nalso, through whatever strife or trouble, the aim which so poignantly occupied
\nthe thoughts of the fallen leader at the time of his tragic ending; as it brought us freedom, it will bring us
\nunity. A free and united <\/font> <\/span>
\nIndia<\/font><\/span>
\nwill be there and the Mother will gather around her her sons and weld them into
\na single national strength in the life of a great and united people.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n5-2-1948<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\nMESSAGE TO THE ANDHRA UNIVERSITY1<\/sup><\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\nYou have
\nasked me for a message and anything I write, since it is to the <\/font> <\/span>
\nAndhra<\/font><\/span>
\n<\/font> <\/span>
\nUniversity<\/font><\/span>
\nthat I am addressing my message, if it can be called by that name, should be
\npertinent to your University, its function, its character and the work it has
\nto do. But it is difficult for me at this
\njuncture when momentous deci\u00adsions are being taken which are likely to
\ndetermine not only the form and pattern of this country’s Government and
\nadministra\u00adtion but the pattern of its destiny, the build and make-up of the
\nnation’s character, its position in the world with regard to other nations, its
\nchoice of what itself shall be, not to turn my eyes in that direction. There is
\none problem facing the country which concerns us nearly and to this I shall now
\nturn and deal with it, however inadequately, \u2014 the demand for the
\nreconstruction of the artificial British-made Presidencies and Provinces into
\nnatural divisions forming a new system, new and yet founded on the principle of
\ndiversity in unity attempted by ancient India. <\/font> <\/span>
\nIndia<\/font><\/span>,
\nshut into a separate existence by the <\/font> <\/span>
\nHimalayas<\/font><\/span>
\nand the ocean, has always been the home of a peculiar people with cha<\/font><\/span>racteristics<\/span> <\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n\u00b9This
\nmessage was given by Sri Aurobindo to the
\nAndhra University on the occasion of the presentation of the Sir Cattamanchi Ramalinga Reddy National Prize to him at the
\nconvocation held at the University on the 11th
\nDecember 1948.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

Page \u2013 407<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\n

\n of
\nits own recognisably distinct from all
\nothers, with its own distinct civilisation, way of life, way of the spirit, a
\nsepa\u00adrate culture, arts, building of society. It has absorbed all that has
\nentered into it, put upon all the Indian stamp, welded the most diverse
\nelements into its fundamental unity. But it
\nhas also been throughout a congeries of diverse peoples, lands, kingdoms and,
\nin earlier times, republics also, diverse races, sub-nations with a marked
\ncharacter of their own, developing different brands or forms of civilisation
\nand culture, many schools of art and ar\u00adchitecture which yet succeeded in
\nfitting into the general Indian type of civilisation and culture. India’s
\nhistory throughout has been marked by a tendency, a constant effort to unite
\nall this di\u00adversity of elements into a single political whole under a central
\nimperial rule so that India might be politically as well as cul\u00adturally one.
\nEven after a rift had been created by the irruption of the Mohammedan peoples
\nwith their very different religion and social structure, there continued a
\nconstant effort of poli\u00adtical unification and there was a tendency towards a
\nmingling of cultures and their mutual influence on each other; even some heroic
\nattempts were made to discover or create a common religion built out of these
\ntwo apparently irreconcilable faiths and here too there were mutual influences.
\nBut throughout India’s history the political unity was never entirely attained
\nand for this there were several causes, \u2014 first, vastness
\nof space and insufficiency of communications preventing the drawing close of
\nall these different peoples; secondly, the method
\nused which was the military domination by one people or one imperial dy\u00adnasty
\nover the rest of the country which led to a succession of empires, none of them
\npermanent; lastly, the absence of any will to crush out of existence all these
\ndifferent kingdoms and fuse together these different peoples and force them
\ninto a single substance and a single shape. Then came the <\/span>British Empire<\/span> in <\/span>India<\/span> which recast the whole country into
\nartificial provinces made for its own convenience, disregarding the principle
\nof division into regional peoples but not abolishing that division. For there
\nhad grown up out of the original elements a natural system of sub-nations with
\ndifferent languages, literatures and other traditions of their own, the four Dravidian peoples,<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

Page \u2013 408<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\n

\nBengal<\/span>, <\/span>Maharashtra<\/span>, <\/span>Gujarat<\/span>, <\/span>Punjab<\/span>, <\/span>Sind<\/span>, <\/span>Assam<\/span>, <\/span>Orissa<\/span>, <\/span>Nepal<\/span>, the Hindi-speaking peoples of the
\nNorth, Rajputana and <\/span>Bihar<\/span>. British rule with its provincial
\nadministration did not unite these peoples but it did impose upon them the
\nhabit of a common type of administration, a closer intercommunication through
\nthe English language and by the education it gave there was created a more
\ndiffused and more militant form of patriot\u00adism, the desire for liberation and
\nthe need of unity in the struggle to achieve that liberation. A sufficient
\nfighting unity was brought about to win freedom, but freedom obtained did not
\ncarry with it a complete union of the country. On the contrary, <\/span>India<\/span> was deliberately split on the basis
\nof the two-nation theory into <\/span>Paki\u00adstan<\/span> and <\/span>Hindustan<\/span> with the deadly consequences which
\nwe know.<\/span><\/p>\n

In taking over the administration from <\/span>Britain<\/span> we had inevi\u00adtably to follow the
\nline of least resistance and proceed on the basis of the artificial
\nBritish-made provinces, at least for the time; this provisional arrangement now
\nthreatens to become permanent, at least in the main and some see an advantage
\nin this permanence. For they think it will help the unification of the country
\nand save us from the necessity of preserving regional sub-nations which in the
\npast kept a country from an entire and thorough-going uni\u00adfication and
\nuniformity. In a rigorous unification they see the only true union, a single
\nnation with a standardised and uniform administration, language, literature,
\nculture, art, education, \u2014 all carried on through the agency of one national
\ntongue. How far such a conception can be carried out in the future one can\u00adnot
\nforecast, but at present it is obviously impracticable, and it is doubtful if
\nit is for <\/span>India<\/span> truly desirable. The ancient diver\u00adsities
\nof the country carried in them great advantages as well as drawbacks. By these
\ndifferences the country was made the home of many living and pulsating centres
\nof life, art, culture, a richly and brilliantly coloured diversity in unity;
\nall was not drawn up into a few provincial capitals or an imperial metropolis,
\nother towns and regions remaining subordinated and indistinc\u00adtive or even
\nculturally asleep; the whole nation lived
\nwith a full life in its many parts and this increased enormously the creative
\nenergy of the whole. There is no possibility any longer that this<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

Page \u2013 409<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\n

\ndiversity
\nwill endanger or diminish the unity of <\/span>India<\/span>. Those vast spaces which kept her
\npeople from closeness and a full interplay have been abolished in their
\nseparating effect by the march of Science and the swiftness of the means of
\ncommunica\u00adtion. The idea of federation and a complete machinery for its perfect
\nworking have been discovered and will be at full work. Above all, the spirit of
\npatriotic unity has been too firmly estab\u00adlished in the people to be easily
\neffaced or diminished, and it would be more endangered by refusing to allow the
\nnatural play of life of the sub-nations than by satisfying their legitimate
\naspi\u00adrations. The Congress itself in the days before liberation came had
\npledged itself to the formation of linguistic provinces, and to follow it out,
\nif not immediately, yet as early as may conveniently be, might well be
\nconsidered the wisest course. <\/span>India<\/span>‘s national life will then be
\nfounded on her natural strengths and the prin\u00adciple of unity in diversity which
\nhas always been normal to her and its fulfilment the fundamental course of her
\nbeing and its very nature, the Many in the One, would place her on the sure
\nfoundation of her "Swabhava and Swadharma.<\/span><\/p>\n

This development might well be regarded as the
\ninevitable trend of her future. For the Dravidian
\nregional peoples are demanding their separate right to a self-governing
\nexistence;<\/span><\/p>\n

\nMaharashtra<\/span> expects a similar concession and
\nthis would mean a similar development in <\/span>Gujarat<\/span> and then the British-made
\nPresidencies of Madras and <\/span>Bombay<\/span> would have disappeared. The old
\nBengal Presidency had already been split up and Orissa,
\n<\/span>Bihar<\/span>
\nand <\/span>Assam<\/span> are now self-governing regional peoples. A
\nmerger of the Hindi-speaking part of the <\/span>Central Provinces<\/span> and the U.P.
\nwould complete the process. An annulment of the parti\u00adtion of <\/span>India<\/span> might modify but would not
\nmaterially alter this result of the general tendency. A union of States and
\nregional peoples would again be the form of a united <\/span>India<\/span>.<\/span><\/p>\n

In this new regime your University will find
\nits function and fulfilment. Its origin has been different from that of other
\nIndian Universities; they were established
\nby the initiative of a foreign Government as a means of introducing their own
\ncivilisation into India, situated in the capital towns of the Presidencies and
\nformed as teaching and examining bodies with purely academic<\/span><\/p>\n

\n

Page \u2013 410<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

aims: <\/span>Benares<\/span> and <\/span>Aligarh<\/span> had a different
\norigin but were all-India institutions
\nserving the two chief religious communities of the country. <\/span>Andhra<\/span> <\/span>University<\/span> has been created by a patriotic Andhra initiative, situated not in a Presidency
\ncapital but in an Andhra town and serving consciously the life of a regional
\npeople. The home of a robust and virile and energetic race, great by the part
\nit had played in the past in the political life of India, great by its
\nachievements in art, architecture, sculpture, music, Andhra looks back upon
\nimperial memories, a place in the suc\u00adcession of empires and imperial dynasties
\nwhich reigned over a large part of the country; it looks back on the more
\nrecent me\u00admory of the glories of the last Hindu Empire of Vijayanagar, \u2014 a magnificent record for any
\npeople. Your University can take its high position as a centre of light and
\nlearning, knowledge and culture which can train the youth of Andhra to be
\nworthy of their forefathers: the great past should lead to a future as great or
\neven greater. Not only Science but Art, not only book-knowledge and information
\nbut growth in culture and character are parts of a true education; to help the individual to develop his
\ncapacities, to help in the forming of thinkers and creators and men of vision
\nand action of the future, this is a part of its work. Moreover, the life of the
\nregional people must not be shut up in itself; its youths have also to contact
\nthe life of the other similar peoples of <\/span>India<\/span> interacting with them in industry
\nand commerce and the other practical fields of life but also in the things of
\nthe mind and spirit. Also, they have to learn not only to be citizens of Andhra
\nbut to be citizens of <\/span>India<\/span>; the life of the nation is their
\nlife. An elite<\/i> has to be formed which has an adequate understanding of
\nall great national affairs or problems and be able to represent Andhra in the
\ncouncils of the nation and in every activity and undertaking of national
\ninterest calling for the support and participation of her peoples. There is still
\na wider field in which <\/span>India<\/span> will need the services of men of
\nabi\u00adlity and character from all parts of the country, the international field.
\nFor she stands already as a considerable international figure and this will
\ngrow as time goes on into vast proportions; <\/span>
\nshe is likely in time to take her place as one of the preponderant
\nStates whose voices will be strongest and their lead and their<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

Page \u2013 411<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\n

action
\ndeterminative of the world’s future. For all this she needs men whose training
\nas well as their talent, genius and force of character is of the first order.
\nIn all these fields your University can be of supreme service and do a work of
\nimmeasurable importance.<\/span><\/p>\n

In this hour, in the second year of its liberation the
\nnation has to awaken to many more very
\nconsiderable problems, to vast possibilities opening before her but also to
\ndangers and difficul\u00adties that may, if not
\nwisely dealt with, become formidable. There is a disordered world-situation
\nleft by the war, full of risks and sufferings and shortages and threatening
\nanother catastrophe which can only be solved by the united effort of the
\npeoples and can only be truly met by an effort at world-union such as was
\nconceived at San Francisco but has not till now been very successful in the
\npractice; still the effort has to be
\ncontinued and new devices found which will make easier the difficult transition
\nfrom the perilous divisions of the past and present to a harmo\u00adnious
\nworld-order; for otherwise there can be no escape from continuous calamity and
\ncollapse. There are deeper issues for India herself, since by following certain
\ntempting directions she may conceivably become a nation like many others
\nevolving an opulent industry and commerce, a powerful organisation of social
\nand political life, an immense military strength, practising power-politics
\nwith a high degree of success, guarding and ex\u00adtending zealously her gains and
\nher interests, dominating even a large part of the world, but in this apparently
\nmagnificent pro\u00adgression forfeiting its Swadharma,
\nlosing its soul. Then ancient <\/span>India<\/span> and her spirit might disappear
\naltogether and we would have only one more nation like the others and that
\nwould be a real gain neither to the world nor to us. There is a question whe\u00adther
\nshe may prosper more harmlessly in the outward life yet lose altogether her
\nrichly massed and firmly held spiritual experience and knowledge. It would be a
\ntragic irony of fate if <\/span>India<\/span> were to throw away her spiritual
\nheritage at the very moment when in the rest of the world there is more and
\nmore a turning towards her for spiritual help and a saving Light. This must not
\nand will surely not happen; but it cannot be said that the danger is not there.
\nThere are indeed other numerous and difficult problems<\/span> <\/span><\/p>\n

\n

Page \u2013 412<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

that face
\nthis country or will very soon face it. No doubt we will win through, but we
\nmust not disguise from ourselves the fact that after these long years of
\nsubjection and its cramping and impairing effects a great inner as well as
\nouter liberation and change, a vast inner and outer progress is needed if we
\nare to fulfil <\/span>India<\/span>‘s true destiny.<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n
\nCURRENT POLITICAL, SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC IDEAS<\/font>1<\/font><\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\nSri Aurobindo is in no way bound by
\nthe present world’s insti\u00adtutions or current ideas whether in political, social
\nor economic field; it is not necessary for him either to approve or disapprove
\nof them. He does not regard either capitalism or orthodox social\u00adism as the
\nright solution for the world’s future; nor can
\nhe admit that the admission of private enterprise by itself makes the society
\ncapitalistic, a socialistic economy can very well admit some amount of
\ncontrolled or subordinated private enterprise as an aid to its own working or a
\npartial convenience without ceasing to be socialistic. Sri Aurobindo has his
\nown views as to how far Congress economy is intended to be truly socialistic or
\nwhe\u00adther that is only a cover, but he does not care to express his views on
\nthat point at present.<\/span><\/p>\n

15-4-1949<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\nA MESSAGE TO AMERICA<\/font>2<\/font><\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\nI have been asked to send on this occasion of the fifteenth August a
\nmessage to the West, but what I have to say might be delivered equally as a
\nmessage to the East. It has been customary to dwell on the division and
\ndifference between these two sections of the human family and even oppose them
\nto each other; but, for my\u00adself I would rather be disposed to dwell on oneness
\nand unity than on division and difference. East and West have the same human<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n


\n1<\/font><\/span><\/sup> A letter to a Sadhak.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n


\n2<\/font><\/span><\/sup> Given in
\nresponse to a request for a message on the occasion of Sri Aurobindo’s birth anniversary celebrations in <\/span>New York<\/span><\/font> on the 15th August 1949.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

Page \u2013 413<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\n

\nnature, a common human destiny, the same aspiration after a greater
\nperfection, the same seeking after something higher than itself, something
\ntowards which inwardly and even outwardly we move. There has been a tendency in
\nsome minds to dwell on the spirituality or mysticism of the East and the
\nmaterialism of the West; but the West has had no less than the East its
\nspiritual seekings and, though not in such
\nprofusion, its saints and sages and mystics, the East has had its materialistic
\ntendencies, its material splendours, its similar or identical dealings with
\nlife and Matter and the world in which we live. East and West have always met
\nand mixed more or less closely, they have powerfully influenced each other and
\nat the present day are under an increasing compulsion of Nature and Fate to do
\nso more than ever before.<\/span><\/p>\n

There is a
\ncommon hope, a common destiny, both spiritual and material, for which both are
\nneeded as co-workers. It is no longer towards division and difference that we
\nshould turn our minds, but on unity, union, even oneness necessary for the pursuit
\nand realisation of a common ideal, the
\ndestined goal, the fulfilment towards which Nature in her beginning obscurely
\nset out and must in an increasing light of knowledge replacing her first
\nignorance constantly persevere.<\/span><\/p>\n

But what
\nshall be that ideal and that goal? That depends on our conception of the
\nrealities of life and the supreme Reality.<\/span><\/p>\n

Here we
\nhave to take into account that there has been, not any absolute difference but
\nan increasing divergence between the tendencies of the East and the West. The
\nhighest truth is truth of the Spirit; a Spirit supreme above the world and yet
\nimma\u00adnent in the world and in all that exists, sustaining and leading all
\ntowards whatever is the aim and goal and the fulfilment of Nature since her
\nobscure inconscient beginnings through the
\ngrowth of consciousness is the one aspect of existence which gives a clue to
\nthe secret of our being and a meaning to the world. The East has always and
\nincreasingly put the highest emphasis on the supreme truth of the Spirit; it has, even in its extreme philosophies, put
\nthe world away as an illusion and regarded the Spirit as the sole reality. The
\nWest has concentrated more and more increasingly on the world, on the dealings
\nof mind and life with our<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

Page \u2013 414<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\n

\nmaterial
\nexistence, on our mastery over it, on the perfection of mind and life and some
\nfulfilment of the human being here: latterly
\nthis has gone so far as the denial of the Spirit and even the enthronement of
\nMatter as the sole reality. Spiritual perfection as the sole ideal on one
\nside, on the other, the perfectibility of the race, the perfect society, a
\nperfect development of the human mind and life and man’s material existence
\nhave become the largest dream of the future. Yet both are truths and can be
\nregarded as part of the intention of the Spirit in world-nature; they are
\nnot incompatible with each other: rather their divergence has to be healed and
\nboth have to be included and reconciled in our view of the future.<\/span><\/p>\n

The Science of the West has discovered
\nevolution as the secret of life and its process in this material world; but it
\nhas laid more stress on the growth of form and species than on the growth of
\nconsciousness: even, consciousness has been
\nregarded as an incident and not the whole secret of the meaning of the evolution.
\nAn evolution has been admitted by certain minds in the East, certain
\nphilosophies and Scriptures, but there its sense has been the growth of the
\nsoul through developing or successive forms and many lives of the individual to
\nits own highest reality. For if there is a conscious being in the form, that
\nbeing can hardly be a temporary phenomenon of consciousness; it must be a soul
\nfulfilling itself and this fulfilment can only take place if there is a return
\nof the soul to earth in many successive lives, in many successive bodies.<\/span><\/p>\n

The process
\nof evolution has been the development from and in inconscient
\nMatter of a subconscient and then a
\nconscious Life, of conscious mind first in animal life and then fully in conscious
\nand thinking man, the highest present achievement of evolutionary Nature. The
\nachievement of mental being is at present her highest and tends to be regarded
\nas her final work; but it is
\npossible to conceive a still further step of the evolution: Nature may
\nhave in view beyond the imperfect mind of man a consciousness that passes out
\nof the mind’s ignorance and possesses truth as its inherent right and nature.
\nThere is a Truth-Consciousness as it is called in the Veda, a Supermind, as I have termed it, possessing
\nKnowledge, not having to seek after it and<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

Page \u2013 415<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\n

\nconstantly
\nmiss it. In one of the Upanishads a being of
\nknowledge is stated to be the next step above the mental being; into that the
\nsoul has to rise and through it to attain the perfect bliss of spiritual
\nexistence. If that could be achieved as the next evolutionary step of Nature
\nhere, then she would be fulfilled and we could conceive of the perfection of
\nlife even here, its attainment of a full spiritual living even in this body or
\nit may be in a perfected body. We could even speak of a divine life on earth; <\/span>
\n
\nour
\nhuman dream of perfectibility
\nwould be<\/span>
\naccomplished and <\/font>
\nat
\nthe same time the
\naspiration to a heaven
\non earth common to several religions and spiritual seers and thinkers.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

The ascent
\nof the human soul to the supreme Spirit is that soul’s highest aim and
\nnecessity, for that is the supreme reality; but there
\ncan be too the descent of the Spirit and its powers into the world and that
\nwould justify the existence of the material world also, give a meaning, a
\ndivine purpose to the creation and solve its riddle. East and West could be
\nreconciled in the pursuit of the highest and largest ideal. Spirit embrace Matter and Matter find its own
\ntrue reality and the hidden Reality in all things in the Spirit.<\/span><\/p>\n

11-8-1949<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\nON KOREA<\/font>1<\/font><\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\nI do not know why you want a line of thought to be indicated to you for
\nyour guidance in the affair of <\/span>Korea<\/span>. There is nothing to hesitate about
\nthere, the whole affair is as plain as a pike-staff. It is the first move in
\nthe Communist plan of campaign to dominate and take possession first of these
\nnorthern parts and then of South East Asia as a preliminary to their manoeuvres
\nwith regard to the rest of the continent \u2014 in passing, Tibet as a gate opening
\nto India. If they succeed, there is no reason why domination of the whole world
\nshould not follow by steps until they are ready to deal with <\/span>America<\/span>. That is, provided the war can be
\nstaved off with <\/span>America<\/span> until Stalin can choose his time.
\nTruman seems<\/span><\/p>\n

 \n<\/p>\n

\n
\n\u00b9A letter to a Sadhak.<\/span><\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

Page \u2013 416<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\n

\nto have
\nunderstood the situation if we can judge from his moves in <\/span>Korea<\/span>, but it is to be seen whether he is
\nstrong enough and determined enough to carry the matter through. The measures
\nhe has taken are likely to be incomplete and unsuccessful, since they do not
\ninclude any actual military intervention except on sea and in the air. That
\nseems to be the situation; we have to see
\nhow it develops. One thing is certain that if there is too much
\nshilly-shallying and if <\/span>America<\/span> gives up now her defence of <\/span>Korea<\/span>, she may be driven to yield
\nposition after position until it is too late: at one point or another she will
\nhave to stand and face the necessity of drastic action even if it leads to war.
\nStalin also seems not to be ready to face at once the risk of a world war and,
\nif so, Truman can turn the tables on him by constantly facing him with the
\nonus of either taking that risk or yielding position after position to <\/span>America<\/span>. I think that is all that I can see
\nat present; for the moment the situation is
\nas grave as it can be.<\/span><\/p>\n

28-6-1950<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\nNOTE<\/b>1<\/sup><\/span><\/font><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\nI do not know that it is necessary for me to say much about the details
\nof this projet,<\/i> except that it seems
\nto me to need to be elaborated and elucidated so as to give a more complete and
\nexact idea of the constitution meant for the new Territory, the powers reserved
\nfor it and those reserved for the central authority and the scope and limits
\nof the rights to be conceded by the India Government to France and French
\nnationals under the agreement.<\/span><\/p>\n

Incidentally,
\nwhat exactly is meant by the droits de douanes <\/i>to
\nbe exercised by the local Government? I presume that the old Customs will be
\nre-established at the Port and there will be<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n1 A projet de loi, drafted by some local
\nnotables of Pondicherry in 1950 regarding
\nthe transfer of the French Settlements in India, was submitted to Sri Aurobindo for his advice and comment. This Note
\ngiven by Sri Aurobindo on the projet was addressed to Mr. S. K. Banerji, Consul General at Pondicherry in 1950.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

Page \u2013 417<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\n

\nnone
\nbetween the Territory and the rest of <\/span>India<\/span>: only, certain limited rights will
\nbe given for the introduction of goods from <\/span>France<\/span> to be carefully restricted to the
\namount necessary for local use; if so, there
\ncan be no scope for any levy of Customs by local authority. As to the U.N.O., I presume that as between the India
\nGovernment and the Government of people of a Territory subordinate to it there
\ncould not be, as things now stand, any intervention on any matter between them
\nbut only as between the India Government and the Government of France.<\/span><\/p>\n

There is
\none point on which I would like to make an observation which I consider of
\nprimary importance. The French Government would naturally want the democratic
\nrights it has conceded to the local Assembly and local bodies to continue in
\nfull and the India Government would also, no doubt, like this new Territory of
\nits own to have a constitution as democratic as that of the other parts of <\/span>India<\/span>. But if nothing is changed in local
\nconditions and freedom is left for a certain type of politicians and party
\nleaders to make use of their opportunities
\nto pervert everything to their own profit, how are they to be prevented from
\nprolonging the old state of things, in which case the Territory would easily be
\nturned into a sink of mis-government and corruption and things will become
\nworse even than in the past. Only a strong control, a thorough purifica\u00adtion of
\nthe administration and a period of political discipline in which the population
\ncould develop public spirit, the use and the right use of the powers and the
\ndemocratic institutions placed at their disposal, could ensure a change for the
\nbetter and even that only after a long lapse of time. It cannot be ensured by a
\npaper constitution; the right type of men in
\nthe right place could alone ensure it.<\/span><\/p>\n

I would
\nmyself have thought it safer if the principle of the agreement between the two
\nGovernments and its main features had at first been agreed upon and the rest
\nworked out afterwards by careful consideration and discussion. Otherwise there
\nis a risk of disagreements and disaccord in the points of view arising and
\nholding up or even endangering the successful working out of the agreement. But
\nI understand that their position in this matter<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

Page \u2013 418<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\n

\nhas obliged
\nthe Government in <\/span>Paris<\/span> to prefer the method actually
\ntaken. I hope that the advice you will give will help the India Government to
\nmake the best of things as they are.<\/span><\/p>\n

12-2-1950<\/span><\/p>\n

\n

Page \u2013 419<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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