Karmayogin

 

CONTENTS

 

Pre-content

 

Publisher's Note

 

 

 

 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 4, 17 JULY 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

An Unequal Fight

 

God and His Universe

 

The Scientific Position

 

Force Universal or Individual

 

Faith and Deliberation

 

Our “Inconsistencies”

 

Good out of Evil

 

Loss of Courage

 

Intuitive Reason

 

Exit Bibhishan

 

College Square Speech – 1, 18 July 1909

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 5, 24 JULY 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Indiscretions of Sir Edward

 

The Demand for Co-operation

 

What Co-operation?

 

Sir Edward’s Menace

 

The Personal Result

 

A One-sided Proposal

 

The Only Remedy

 

The Bengalee and Ourselves

 

God and Man

 

Ourselves

 

The Doctrine of Sacrifice

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 6, 31 JULY 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Spirit in Asia

 

The Persian Revolution

 

Persia’s Difficulties

 

The New Men in Persia

 

Madanlal Dhingra

 

Press Garbage in England

 

Shyamji Krishnavarma

 

Nervous Anglo-India

 

The Recoil of Karma

 

Liberty or Empire

 

An Open Letter to My Countrymen
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 7, 7 AUGUST 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Police Bill

 

The Political Motive

 

A Hint from Dinajpur

 

The Swadeshi Steam Navigation Company

 

A Swadeshi Enterprise

 

Youth and the Bureaucracy
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 8, 14 AUGUST 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Englishman on Boycott

 

Social Boycott

 

National or Anti-national

 

The Boycott Celebration

 

A Birthday Talk, 15 August 1909

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 9, 21 AUGUST 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

Srijut Surendranath Banerji’s Return

 

A False Step

 

A London Congress

 

The Power that Uplifts
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 10, 28 AUGUST 1909

 

Facts and Comments

 

The Cretan Difficulty

 

Greece and Turkey

 

Spain and the Moor

 

The London Congress

 

Political Prisoners

 

An Official Freak

 

Soham Gita

 

Bengal and the Congress
   

 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 11, 4 SEPTEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Comments
 

The Kaul Judgment

 

The Implications in the Judgment

 

The Social Boycott

 

The Law and the Nationalist

 

The Hughly Resolutions

 

Bengal Provincial Conference, Hughly – 1909

 

Speech at the Hughly Conference, 6 September 1909

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 12, 11 SEPTEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

Impatient Idealists

 

The Question of Fitness

 

Public Disorder and Unfitness

 

The Hughly Conference
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 13, 18 SEPTEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Two Programmes

 

The Reforms

 

The Limitations of the Act

 

Shall We Accept the Partition?

 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 14, 25 SEPTEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Convention President

 

Presidential Autocracy

 

Mr. Lalmohan Ghose

 

The Past and the Future
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 15, 2 OCTOBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Rump Presidential Election

 

Nation-stuff in Morocco

 

Cook versus Peary

 

Nationalist Organisation

 

An Extraordinary Prohibition

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 16, 9 OCTOBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Apostasy of the National Council

 

The Progress of China

 

Partition Day

 

Nationalist Work in England

 

College Square Speech – 2, 10 October 1909

 

Bhawanipur Speech, 13 October 1909

 

Beadon Square Speech – 2, 16 October 1909

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 17, 16 OCTOBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

Gokhale’s Apologia

 

The People’s Proclamation

 

The Anushilan Samiti

 

The National Fund

 

Union Day
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 18, 6 NOVEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

Mahomedan Representation

 

The Growth of Turkey

 

China Enters

 

The Patiala Arrests

 

The Daulatpur Dacoity

 

Place and Patriotism

 

The Dying Race

 

The Death of Señor Ferrer

 

The Budget

 

A Great Opportunity

 

Buddha’s Ashes

 

Students and Politics

 

The Assassination of Prince Ito

 

The Hindu Sabha

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 19, 13 NOVEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

House Searches

 

Social Reform and Politics

 

The Deoghar Sadhu

 

The Great Election
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 20, 20 NOVEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

A Hint of Change

 

Pretentious Shams

 

The Municipalities and Reform

 

Police Unrest in the Punjab

 

The Reformed Councils
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 21, 27 NOVEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Bomb Case and Anglo-India

 

The Nadiya President’s Speech

 

Mr. Macdonald’s Visit

 

The Alipur Judgment
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 22, 4 DECEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Lieutenant-Governor’s Mercy

 

An Ominous Presage

 

Chowringhee Humour

 

The Last Resort

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 23, 11 DECEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The United Congress

 

The Spirit of the Negotiations

 

A Salutary Rejection

 

The English Revolution

 

Aristocratic Quibbling

 

The Transvaal Indians
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 24, 18 DECEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

Sir Pherozshah’s Resignation

 

The Council Elections

 

British Unfitness for Liberty

 

The Lahore Convention

 

The Moderate Manifesto
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 25, 25 DECEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The United Congress Negotiations

 

A New Sophism

 

Futile Espionage

 

Convention Voyagers

 

Creed and Constitution

 

To My Countrymen

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 26, 1 JANUARY 1910

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Perishing Convention

 

The Convention President’s Address

 

The Alleged Breach of Faith

 

The Nasik Murder

 

Transvaal and Bengal

 

Our Cheap Edition

 

National Education
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 27, 8 JANUARY 1910

 

Facts and Opinions

 

Sir Edward Baker’s Admissions

 

Calcutta and Mofussil

 

The Non-Official Majority

 

Sir Louis Dane on Terrorism

 

The Menace of Deportation

 

A Practicable Boycott
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 28, 15 JANUARY 1910

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Patiala Case

 

The Arya Samaj and Politics

 

The Arya Disclaimer

 

What Is Sedition?

 

A Thing that Happened
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 29, 22 JANUARY 1910

 

Facts and Opinions

 

Lajpat Rai’s Letters

 

A Nervous Samaj

 

The Banerji Vigilance Committees

 

Postal Precautions

 

Detective Wiles

 

The New Policy
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 30, 29 JANUARY 1910

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The High Court Assassination

 

Anglo-Indian Prescriptions

 

House Search

 

The Elections

 

The Viceroy’s Speech
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 31, 5 FEBRUARY 1910

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Party of Revolution

 

Its Growth

 

Its Extent

 

Ourselves

 

The Necessity of the Situation

 

The Elections

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 32, 12 FEBRUARY 1910

 

Passing Thoughts

 

Vedantic Art

 

Asceticism and Enjoyment

 

Aliens in Ancient India

 

The Scholarship of Mr. Risley

 

Anarchism

 

The Gita and Terrorism

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 33, 19 FEBRUARY 1910

 

Passing Thoughts

 

The Bhagalpur Literary Conference

 

Life and Institutions

 

Indian Conservatism

 

Samaj and Shastra

 

Revolution

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 37, 19 MARCH 1910

 

Sj. Aurobindo Ghose

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 38, 26 MARCH 1910

 

In Either Case

   
 

APPENDIX—Karmayogin Writings in Other Volumes of the Complete Works

The Doctrine of Sacrifice

 

THE GENIUS of self-sacrifice is not common to all nations and to all individuals; it is rare and precious, it is the flowering of mankind's ethical growth, the evidence of our gradual rise from the self-regarding animal to the selfless divinity. A man capable of self-sacrifice, whatever his other sins, has left the animal behind him; he has the stuff in him of a future and higher humanity. A nation capable of a national act of self-sacrifice ensures its future.

Self-sacrifice involuntary or veiled by forms of selfishness is, however, the condition of our existence. It has been a gradual growth in humanity. The first sacrifices are always selfish –they involve the sacrifice of others for one's own advancement. The first step forward is taken by the instinct of animal love in the mother who is ready to sacrifice her life for the young, by the instinct of protection in the male who is ready to sacrifice his life for his mate. The growth of this instinct is the sign of an enlargement in the conception of the self. So long as there is identification of self only with one's own body and its desires, the state of the jiva is unprogressive and animal. It is only when the self enlarges to include the mate and the children that advancement becomes possible. This is the first human state, but the animal lingers in it in the view of the wife and children as chattels and possessions meant for one's own pleasure, strength, dignity, comfort. The family even so viewed becomes the basis of civilisation, because it makes social life possible. But the real development of the god in man does not begin until the family becomes so much dearer than the life of the body that a man is ready to sacrifice himself for it and give up his ease or even his life for its welfare or its protection. To give up one's ease for the family, that is a state which most men have attained; to give up one's life for the honour of the wife or the safety of the

 

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home is an act of a higher nature of which man is capable in individuals, in classes, but not in the mass. Beyond the family comes the community and the next step in the enlargement of the self is when the identification with the self in the body and the self in the family gives way to the identification with the self in the community. To recognise that the community has a larger claim on a man than his family is the first condition of the advance to the social condition. It corresponds to the growth of the tribe out of the patriarchal family and to the perfection of those communal institutions of which our village community was a type. Here again, to be always prepared to sacrifice the family interest to the larger interest of the community must be the first condition of communal life and to give one's life for the safety of the community, the act of divinity which marks the consummation of the enlarging self in the communal idea. The next enlargement is to the self in the nation. The evolution of the nation is the growth which is most important now to humanity, because human selfishness, family selfishness, class selfishness having still deep roots in the past must learn to efface themselves in the larger national self in order that the God in humanity may grow. Therefore it is that Nationalism is the dharma of the age, and God reveals himself to us in our common Mother. The first attempts to form a nationality were the Greek city, the Semitic or Mongolian monarchy, the Celtic clan, the Aryan kula or jati. It was the mixture of all these ideas which went to the formation of the mediaeval nation and evolved the modern peoples. Here again, it is the readiness to sacrifice self-interest, family interest, class interest to the larger national interest which is the condition of humanity's fulfilment in the nation and to die for its welfare or safety is the supreme act of self-consummation in the larger national ego. There is a yet higher fulfilment for which only a few individuals have shown themselves ready, the enlargement of the self to include all humanity. A step forward has been taken in this direction by the self-immolation of a few to humanitarian ideals, but to sacrifice the interests of the nation to the larger interest of humanity is an act of which humanity in the mass is not yet capable. God prepares, but He does not hasten the

 

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ripening of the fruit before its season. A time will come when this also will be possible, but the time is not yet. Nor would it be well for humanity if it came before the other and lesser identification were complete; for that would necessitate retrogression in order to secure the step which has been omitted. The advance of humanity is a steady progress and there is no great gain in rushing positions far ahead, while important points in the rear are uncaptured.

The national ego may easily mean nothing more than collective selfishness. I may be ready to sacrifice money and ease for the country in order to secure my wealth, fame or position and property which depend upon her security and greatness. I may be ready to sacrifice these and more for her because of the safety of the home and the hearth which her safety ensures. I may be ready to sacrifice much for her because her greatness, wealth, ease mean the greatness, wealth, ease of my community or my class. Or I may be ready to sacrifice everything to secure her greatness because of my pride in her and my desire to see my nation dominant and imperial. All these are forms of selfishness pursuing man into the wider life which is meant to assist in liberating him from selfishness. The curse of capitalism, the curse of Imperialism which afflict modern nations are due to this insistence. It is the source of that pride, insolence and injustice which affect a nation in its prosperity and by that fatal progression which the Greeks with their acute sense for these things so clearly demarcated, it leads from prosperity to insolence and outrage and from insolence and outrage to that ate, that blind infatuation, which is God's instrument for the destruction of men and nations. There is only one remedy for this pursuing evil and it is to regard the nation as a necessary unit but no more in a common humanity.

There are two stages in the life of a nation, first, when it is forming itself or new-forming itself, secondly, when it is formed, organised and powerful. The first is the stage when National- ism makes rightly its greatest demands on the individual, in the second it should abate its demands and, having satisfied, should preserve itself in Cosmopolitanism somewhat as the individual

 

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preserves itself in the family, the family in the class, the class in the nation, not destroying itself needlessly but recognising a larger interest. In the struggles of a subject nation to realise its separate existence, the larger interest can only be viewed in prospect and as a higher inspiration to a broadminded and generous patriotism. No sacrifice of the nation to the larger interest is possible, for the nation must exist before it can sacrifice its interests for a higher good.

We are at present in the first or formative stage, and in this stage the demand of Nationalism is imperative. It is only by the sacrifices of the individual, the family and the class to the supreme object of building up the nation that under such adverse circumstances Nationalism can secure the first conditions for its existence. Every act of the new Nationalism has been a call for suffering and self-sacrifice. Swadeshi was such a call, arbitration was such a call, national education was such a call, above all, passive resistance was such a call. None of these things can be secured except by a general readiness to sacrifice the individual and the family to the interests of the nation. Nowadays a new call is visibly forming, the call on the higher classes to sacrifice their privileges and prejudices, as the Japanese Samurai did, for the raising up of the lower. The spread of a general spirit of ungrudging self-sacrifice is the indispensable prelude to the creation of the Indian nation. This truth is not only evident from the very nature of the movement we have initiated, but it is borne out by the tests of history and experience to which we have been recently asked to refer in each individual case before the act of sacrifice is decided. It is by the appeal to history and experience that the Nationalist party has convinced the intellect, just as by its inspiring ideals and readiness to suffer, it has carried with it the heart of the nation. The demand that we should in every individual case go into a review of the whole question is excessive and impossible. It is enough if we are generally convinced of the utility and necessity of sacrifice and feel the individual call. It must be remembered that we cannot argue from the condition of a people formed, free and prospering to that of a people subject, struggling and miserable. In the first case the individual is not

 

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called to frequent acts of self-sacrifice, but only to those regularly demanded by the nation and to a general readiness for especial sacrifice in case of necessity, but in the second the necessity is a constant quantity. Nor is it a sound principle to demand in such circumstances an adequate value for every individual act of courage and self-denial. It would indeed be singular for the individuals of a subject nation asked for the price of their liberty to say to the Dispenser of Karma, "You shall give me so much in return for every individual sacrifice and we must know your terms beforehand. We will not trust you to the extent of a single pice worth of result for our sufferings." Not by such men or such a spirit have subject nations been delivered.

 

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OTHER WRITINGS BY SRI AUROBINDO IN THIS ISSUE

 

The Greatness of the Individual