Karmayogin

 

CONTENTS

 

Pre-content

 

Publisher's Note

 

 

 

 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 4, 17 JULY 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

An Unequal Fight

 

God and His Universe

 

The Scientific Position

 

Force Universal or Individual

 

Faith and Deliberation

 

Our “Inconsistencies”

 

Good out of Evil

 

Loss of Courage

 

Intuitive Reason

 

Exit Bibhishan

 

College Square Speech – 1, 18 July 1909

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 5, 24 JULY 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Indiscretions of Sir Edward

 

The Demand for Co-operation

 

What Co-operation?

 

Sir Edward’s Menace

 

The Personal Result

 

A One-sided Proposal

 

The Only Remedy

 

The Bengalee and Ourselves

 

God and Man

 

Ourselves

 

The Doctrine of Sacrifice

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 6, 31 JULY 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Spirit in Asia

 

The Persian Revolution

 

Persia’s Difficulties

 

The New Men in Persia

 

Madanlal Dhingra

 

Press Garbage in England

 

Shyamji Krishnavarma

 

Nervous Anglo-India

 

The Recoil of Karma

 

Liberty or Empire

 

An Open Letter to My Countrymen
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 7, 7 AUGUST 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Police Bill

 

The Political Motive

 

A Hint from Dinajpur

 

The Swadeshi Steam Navigation Company

 

A Swadeshi Enterprise

 

Youth and the Bureaucracy
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 8, 14 AUGUST 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Englishman on Boycott

 

Social Boycott

 

National or Anti-national

 

The Boycott Celebration

 

A Birthday Talk, 15 August 1909

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 9, 21 AUGUST 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

Srijut Surendranath Banerji’s Return

 

A False Step

 

A London Congress

 

The Power that Uplifts
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 10, 28 AUGUST 1909

 

Facts and Comments

 

The Cretan Difficulty

 

Greece and Turkey

 

Spain and the Moor

 

The London Congress

 

Political Prisoners

 

An Official Freak

 

Soham Gita

 

Bengal and the Congress
   

 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 11, 4 SEPTEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Comments
 

The Kaul Judgment

 

The Implications in the Judgment

 

The Social Boycott

 

The Law and the Nationalist

 

The Hughly Resolutions

 

Bengal Provincial Conference, Hughly – 1909

 

Speech at the Hughly Conference, 6 September 1909

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 12, 11 SEPTEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

Impatient Idealists

 

The Question of Fitness

 

Public Disorder and Unfitness

 

The Hughly Conference
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 13, 18 SEPTEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Two Programmes

 

The Reforms

 

The Limitations of the Act

 

Shall We Accept the Partition?

 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 14, 25 SEPTEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Convention President

 

Presidential Autocracy

 

Mr. Lalmohan Ghose

 

The Past and the Future
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 15, 2 OCTOBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Rump Presidential Election

 

Nation-stuff in Morocco

 

Cook versus Peary

 

Nationalist Organisation

 

An Extraordinary Prohibition

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 16, 9 OCTOBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Apostasy of the National Council

 

The Progress of China

 

Partition Day

 

Nationalist Work in England

 

College Square Speech – 2, 10 October 1909

 

Bhawanipur Speech, 13 October 1909

 

Beadon Square Speech – 2, 16 October 1909

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 17, 16 OCTOBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

Gokhale’s Apologia

 

The People’s Proclamation

 

The Anushilan Samiti

 

The National Fund

 

Union Day
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 18, 6 NOVEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

Mahomedan Representation

 

The Growth of Turkey

 

China Enters

 

The Patiala Arrests

 

The Daulatpur Dacoity

 

Place and Patriotism

 

The Dying Race

 

The Death of Señor Ferrer

 

The Budget

 

A Great Opportunity

 

Buddha’s Ashes

 

Students and Politics

 

The Assassination of Prince Ito

 

The Hindu Sabha

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 19, 13 NOVEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

House Searches

 

Social Reform and Politics

 

The Deoghar Sadhu

 

The Great Election
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 20, 20 NOVEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

A Hint of Change

 

Pretentious Shams

 

The Municipalities and Reform

 

Police Unrest in the Punjab

 

The Reformed Councils
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 21, 27 NOVEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Bomb Case and Anglo-India

 

The Nadiya President’s Speech

 

Mr. Macdonald’s Visit

 

The Alipur Judgment
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 22, 4 DECEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Lieutenant-Governor’s Mercy

 

An Ominous Presage

 

Chowringhee Humour

 

The Last Resort

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 23, 11 DECEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The United Congress

 

The Spirit of the Negotiations

 

A Salutary Rejection

 

The English Revolution

 

Aristocratic Quibbling

 

The Transvaal Indians
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 24, 18 DECEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

Sir Pherozshah’s Resignation

 

The Council Elections

 

British Unfitness for Liberty

 

The Lahore Convention

 

The Moderate Manifesto
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 25, 25 DECEMBER 1909

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The United Congress Negotiations

 

A New Sophism

 

Futile Espionage

 

Convention Voyagers

 

Creed and Constitution

 

To My Countrymen

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 26, 1 JANUARY 1910

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Perishing Convention

 

The Convention President’s Address

 

The Alleged Breach of Faith

 

The Nasik Murder

 

Transvaal and Bengal

 

Our Cheap Edition

 

National Education
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 27, 8 JANUARY 1910

 

Facts and Opinions

 

Sir Edward Baker’s Admissions

 

Calcutta and Mofussil

 

The Non-Official Majority

 

Sir Louis Dane on Terrorism

 

The Menace of Deportation

 

A Practicable Boycott
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 28, 15 JANUARY 1910

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Patiala Case

 

The Arya Samaj and Politics

 

The Arya Disclaimer

 

What Is Sedition?

 

A Thing that Happened
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 29, 22 JANUARY 1910

 

Facts and Opinions

 

Lajpat Rai’s Letters

 

A Nervous Samaj

 

The Banerji Vigilance Committees

 

Postal Precautions

 

Detective Wiles

 

The New Policy
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 30, 29 JANUARY 1910

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The High Court Assassination

 

Anglo-Indian Prescriptions

 

House Search

 

The Elections

 

The Viceroy’s Speech
   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 31, 5 FEBRUARY 1910

 

Facts and Opinions

 

The Party of Revolution

 

Its Growth

 

Its Extent

 

Ourselves

 

The Necessity of the Situation

 

The Elections

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 32, 12 FEBRUARY 1910

 

Passing Thoughts

 

Vedantic Art

 

Asceticism and Enjoyment

 

Aliens in Ancient India

 

The Scholarship of Mr. Risley

 

Anarchism

 

The Gita and Terrorism

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 33, 19 FEBRUARY 1910

 

Passing Thoughts

 

The Bhagalpur Literary Conference

 

Life and Institutions

 

Indian Conservatism

 

Samaj and Shastra

 

Revolution

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 37, 19 MARCH 1910

 

Sj. Aurobindo Ghose

   
 

KARMAYOGIN NO. 38, 26 MARCH 1910

 

In Either Case

   
 

APPENDIX—Karmayogin Writings in Other Volumes of the Complete Works

The Boycott Celebration

 

A NATIONAL festival is the symbol of the national vitality. All outward action depends eventually on the accepted ideas and imaginations of the doer. As these are, so is his aspiration; and although it is not true that as is his aspiration, so is his action, yet it is true that as is his aspiration, so will his action more and more tend to be. If it is the idea that finally expresses itself in all material forms, actions, institutions and consummations, it is the imagination that draws the idea out, suggests the shape and gives the creative impulse. Hence the importance of celebrations like the Seventh of August, especially in the first movements of a great national resurgence. A time may come when the living meaning may pass out of a solemnity or anniversary and leave it a dead form which only the persistence of habit preserves, but that cannot happen until the underlying idea is realised and the imaginative impulse towards creation has victoriously justified itself and exhausted its sources of satisfaction. The ideas which the boycott celebration holds as its roots and the imaginations to which it appeals are not yet even partially satisfied and, until they have confirmed themselves in victorious action and are perpetuated in lasting forms and institutions, it is of the first importance that this great festival should be celebrated in some form or other and, as far as possible, in the form it originally took. There is a meaning in the imaginative conservatism which refuses to part with the cherished pomp sand even the little details of show and brightness which have always been associated with this day, the procession, the places, the meeting, the flags, music, songs, the vow, the resolution. Any laxness in these minutiae would show a fainting of the imagination which clings to the festival and its underlying ideas and a carelessness in the heart about those emotions without which the idea by itself is always inoperative. This appeal to the

 

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imagination and nourishing of the emotions is especially necessary when the outward circumstances are widely different from the cherished hopes and imaginations and the speedy advent of the longed-for future seems to the reason distant or improbable. That is why importance is attached in all countries to ceremonies and festivals. There are many of us who are inclined to speak with contempt of speeches and shows, and there was a time when we too in our impatience of the mere babbler were inclined to echo the cry for silent work. A juster knowledge of human psychology has led us to modify our view on that head. Man is not by nature a silent animal nor in the mass is he capable of work without frequent interchange of speech. Talk is necessary to him, emotion is necessary to him, imagination is necessary to him; without these he cannot be induced to action. This constitutes the supreme importance of the right of free speech and free meeting; this also constitutes the justification of symbolical holidays and festivals. Speech and writing are necessary to the acceptance and spread of the idea without which there can be no incentive to action. Ceremonies help the imagination and encourage it to see in the concrete that which cannot be immediately realised. It was out of the gurge and welter of an infinite oratory, thousand-throated journalism, endless ceremonies, processions, national festivals that the appallingly strenuous action of the Revolutionary and Napoleonic age in France arose to reconstitute society and transform Europe. Let us not therefore despise these mighty instruments. God has created them and the natural human love for them for very great and abiding purposes. Even in these few years the Ganapati and Shivaji festivals, instituted by the farseeing human sympathy and democratic instinct of Mr. Tilak, have done much to reawaken and solidify the national feeling of Maharashtra, and we can all feel what a stimulus to the growth and permanence of the movement we have found in the celebrations of the 7th August and the 16th October. They are to us what sacred days are to the ordinary religions. The individual religious man can do without them, collective religion cannot. These are the sacred days in the religion of Nationalism, the worship of God the Mother.

 

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The 16th October is the idea of unity, the worship of the Mother one and indivisible. The 7th of August is the idea of separateness, the worship of the Mother free, strong and glorious. Both these ideas are as yet ideas merely, realised in our faith and aspiration by the shaping imagination, not yet materialised in the world of concrete fact. This, according to our Vedantic ideas, is how the world and things whether in general or particular come into being. They exist first in seed form in the silent and unexpressed idea, in a world of deep sleep where there is as yet no action of thought or deed, only the inert, inoperative idea. Shiva the white and pure, the ascetic, the still, contemplative Yogin holds them in himself as Prajna, the Wise One, God ideal. But Shiva is tamasic and rajas is necessary to induce motion before things can exist. The thing has next to sprout out of the seed and take a volatile and unfixed shape in the psychic world where it waits for a material birth. Here Brahma, the flaming, shapeless and many-shaped, holds them in his brilliant vibrating medium of active imagination and thought and by his daughter Vach, the Goddess Speech eldest-born of the world, puts them into shape and body as Hiranyagarbha, God imaginative and therefore creative. Last they take permanent shape and abide in some material body, form, organism. Vishnu there holds them in his fixed and visible cosmos as Virat, God practical, until the divine imagination wearies of them and Shiva as destroyer draws them back again, their outward form disintegrated and their sup-porting imaginations dead, into the seed-state from which they emerged. For a long time the idea of unity, the idea of a strong national self-expression were merely sleeping and inoperative ideas held as sounding words rather than possibilities. Still the repetition of the words like the repetition even mechanical of a powerful mantra, began to awaken the divine force latent in the idea and, however feebly, it began to stir. But it was not till the 16th of October and the 7th of August that these ideas seized on the faith and imagination of the people and took shape, volatile and unfixed but still shape, as a living aspiration. The day of material realisation is yet distant. Moving to unity we are still divided by external and internal agencies. Moving towards

 

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strength and freedom we are still subject to external force and internal weakness. But this we have gained that the purpose and imagination of unity and strength is rooted in the hearts and minds of a great and the most vigorous portion of the young generation, inheritors of the future, beyond the power of force or sophistry to remove. Having secured so much we can go on in the confidence that, whatever now happens to the pioneers, Hiranyagarbha has taken the new ideas into his protection and when that has once happened Virat must inevitably fulfil them.

It is a short-sighted and superficial outlook which sees in the 16th October only the day of mourning for the partition of Bengal or in the 7th August only a commemoration of the Boycott. The Boycott is a symbol, the mourning a symbol. When the weapon of Boycott has done its work, we shall lay it aside, but the 7th August we shall not lay aside, for it is our sacred Day of Awakening. When the Partition is rescinded, we shall cease to go into annual mourning, but the 16th October will not fall into oblivion or desuetude, for it is our sacred Day of the Worship of the Indivisible Mother. These are the imaginations, these the mighty and creative thoughts and aspirations which we seek to foster by these celebrations. Therefore we regard the holding of the Boycott Day as a national duty. Let those who scoff at it and talk of the necessity of silent sadhana, for we have heard of such, be warned how they desecrate sacred words by using them as a convenient cant and try, out of selfish and infidel fears, to thwart in the minds of the young the work which by these celebrations God has been doing.

 

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OTHER WRITINGS BY SRI AUROBINDO IN THIS ISSUE

 

Kalidasa's Seasons III: Its Poetic Value

The Katha Upanishad II.1

Anandamath I

Suprabhat: A Review