KARMAYOGIN

 

 SRI AUROBINDO

 

CONTENTS

 

 

 

Facts and Opinions 17.7.1909/4

 

Facts and Opinions  24.7.1909/5

An Unequal Fight

 

The Indiscretions of Sir Edward

God and His Universe

 

The Demand for Co-operation

The Scientific Position

 

What Co-operation?

Force Universal or Individual

 

Sir Edward's Menace

Faith and Deliberation

 

The Personal Result

Our "Inconsistencies"

 

A One-sided Proposal

Good out of Evil

 

The Only Remedy

Loss of Courage

 

The "Bengalee" and Ourselves

Intuitive Reason

 

God and Man

 

 

 

Exit Bibhishan

 

The Doctrine of Sacrifice

The Right of Association (Speech)

 

College Square Speech

 

 

 

 

Facts and Comments 4.9.1909/11

 

Facts and Opinions 11.9.1909/12

The Kaul Judgment

 

Impatient Idealists

The Implications in the Judgment

 

The Question of Fitness

The Social Boycott

 

Public Disorder and Unfitness

The Law and the Nationalist

   
   

The Hughly Conference

The Hughly Resolutions

   

 

Facts and Opinions 18.9.1909/13

 

Facts and Opinions 25.9.1909/14

The Two Programmes

 

The Convention President

The Reforms

 

Presidential Autocracy

The Limitations of the Act

 

Mr. Lalmohan Ghose

Shall We Accept the Partition?

   
   

The Past and the Future

 

Facts and Opinions 2.10.1909/15

 

Facts and Opinions 9.10.1909/16

The Rump Presidential Election

 

The Apostasy of the National Council

Nation-Stuff in Morocco

 

The Progress of China

Cook versus Peary

 

Partition Day

     

Nationalist Organisation

 

Nationalist Work in England

An Extraordinary Prohibition

   

 

Facts and Opinions 16.10.1909/17

Gokhale's Apologia

The People's Proclamation

The Anusilan Samiti

The National Fund

 

Union Day

 

Facts and Opinions 6.11.1909/18

Mahomedan Representation

The Growth of Turkey

China Enters

The Patiala Arrests

The Daulatpur Dacoity

Place and Patriotism

The Dying Race

The Death of Senor Ferrer

The Budget

A Great Opportunity

Buddha's Ashes

Students and Politics

 

The Assassination of Prince Ito

The Hindu Sabha

 

Facts and Opinions 13.11.1909/19

 

Facts and Opinions 20.11.1909/20

House-Searches

 

A Hint of Change

Social Reform and Politics

 

Pretentious Shams

The Deoghar Sadhu

 

THE Municipalities and Reform

 

 

Police Unrest in the Punjab  

The Great Election

 

 

 

 

The ReformED COUNCILS

 

Facts and Opinions 27.11.1909/21

 

Facts and Opinions 4.12.1909/22

The Bomb Case and Anglo-India

 

The Lieutenant-Governor's Mercy

The Nadiya President's Speech

 

An Ominous Presage

Mr. Macdonald's Visit

 

Chowringhee Humour

 

 

The Last Resort

The Alipur Judgment

 

 

 

Facts and Opinions 11.12.1909/23

 

Facts and Opinions 18.12.1909/24

The United Congress

 

Sir Pherozshah's Resignation

The Spirit of the Negotiations

 

The Council Elections

A Salutary Rejection

 

British Unfitness for Liberty

The English Revolution

 

The Lahore Convention

Aristocratic Quibbling

 

 

 

 

The Moderate Manifesto

The Transvaal Indians

 

 

 

Facts and Opinions 25.12.1909/25

 

Facts and Opinions 1.1.1910/26

The United Congress Negotiations

 

The Perishing Convention

A New Sophism

 

The Convention President's Address

Futile Espionage

 

The Alleged Breach of Faith

Convention Voyagers

 

The Nasik Murder

 

 

Transvaal and Bengal

Creed and Constitution

 

 

To My Countrymen

 

National Education

 

Facts and Opinions 8.1.1910/27

 

Facts and Opinions 15.1.1910/28

Sir Edward Baker's Admissions

 

The Patiala Case

Calcutta and Mofussil

 

The Arya Samaj and Politics

The Non-Official Majority

 

The Arya Disclaimer

Sir Louis Dane on Terrorism

 

What is Sedition?

The Menace of Deportation

 

 

 

 

A Thing that Happened

A Practicable Boycott

 

 

 

Facts and Opinions 22.1.1910/29

 

Facts and Opinions 29.1.1910/30

Lajpatrai's Letters

 

The High Court Assassination

A Nervous Samaj

 

Anglo-Indian Prescriptions

The Banerji Vigilance Committees

 

House-Search

Postal Precautions

 

The Elections

Detective Wiles

 

 

 

 

The Viceroy's Speech

The  New Policy

 

 

 

Facts and Opinions 5.2.1910/31

 

Passing Thoughts 12.2.1910/32

The Party of Revolution

 

Vedantic Art

Its Growth

 

Asceticism and Enjoyment

Its Extent

 

Aliens in Ancient India

Ourselves

 

The Scholarship of Mr. Risley

 

 

Anarchism

The Necessity of the Situation

 

The Gita and Terrorism

The Elections

 

 

 

 

 

                                                "Swaraj" and the Musulmans

 

we EXTRACT in our columns this week the comments of Srijut Bepin Chandra Pal's organ, Swaraj, on the Government's pro-Mahomedan policy and its possible effects in the future. We are glad to see this great Nationalist again expressing his views with his usual orginality and fine political insight. We do not ourselves understand the utility of such a campaign as Srijut Bepin Chandra is carrying on in England. In politics quite as much as in ordinary conduct the rule of desh-kal-patra, the right place, the right time and the right person, conditions the value and the effectiveness of the work. For Bepin Babu's mission there could not be a worse place than England, a worse time than the present and a worse audience than the British people. What is the prophet of self-help and dissociation doing in England ? Or what kind of message is this that he carries to the British public, "We do not welcome your favours, we reject your help and sympathy and will have no political association with you until Swaraj is ours, — and therefore I am here speaking to you and publishing my views to a British audience in London"? We can only suppose that Bepin Babu does really imagine he can produce some kind of effect worth having, moral if not substantial, upon the ruling nation, and if so what does it portend ? Is Saul also among the prophets ? Does Bepin too stand in the doorway of Britannia ?

The first three or four issues of Swaraj disappointed our expectations. A sense of the unreality of his position seemed to haunt the writer and robbed his writing of the former strength and close touch with the subject. It was the old views, the familiar thought, the well-known manner, but it neither convinced, illuminated nor inspired. This month's Swaraj is more confident and effective, although the thing still seems to be in the air. The passage extracted and the admirable character-sketch of Srijut Shyamsunder Chakrabarti are the best things in the issue. Bepin Babu seems to have recovered the copious vein of thought, the

 

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subtle and flexible reasoning, the just and original view of his subject which made one wait with impatience for every fresh number of New India. His attitude towards the Reform scheme and the Mahomedan demand for a separate electorate is the attitude which has consistently been adopted by the Nationalist party in Bengal towards the Hindu-Mahomedan question in ordinary politics. We do not fear Mahomedan opposition; so long as it is the honest Swadeshi article and not manufactured in Shillong or Simla, we welcome it as a sign of life and aspiration. We do not shun, we desire the awakening of Islam in India even if its first crude efforts are misdirected against ourselves; for all strength, all energy, all action is grist to the mill of the nation-builder. In that faith we are ready, when the time comes for us to meet in the political field, to exchange with the Musulman, just as he chooses, the firm clasp of the brother or the resolute grip of the wrestler.

That time has not yet come. There is absolutely no reason why the electoral question should create bad blood between the two communities, for if we leave aside the limited number who still hunger after loaves and fishes or nurse dead delusions, the reforms have no living interest for the Hindu. His field of energy lies elsewhere than in the enlarged pretences of British Liberalism. His business is to find out his own strength and prepare it for a great future, and the less he meddles with unreal politics and nerveless activities, the better for the nation. The Mahomedan has not progressed so far. He has to taste the sweets of political privilege and find them turn to ashes in his mouth. He has to formulate demands, rejoice at promises, fume at betrayals, until he thoroughly discovers the falsity and impossibility of his hopes. His progress is likely to be much swifter than ours has been in the past, for he gets the advantage if not of our experience, at least of the ideas now in the air and of the more bracing and stimulating atmosphere. He is more likely to demand than to crave, and his disillusionment must necessarily be the speedier. And it is then that he too will seek the strength in himself and touch the true springs of self-development. Our best policy is to leave the Mahomedan representatives on the councils to work out their destiny face to face with the bureaucracy, with no

 

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weightier Hindu counterpoise than the effete politicians, the time-servers and the self-seekers.

Of one thing we may be certain, that Hindu-Mahomedan unity cannot be effected by political adjustments or Congress flatteries. It must be sought deeper down, in the heart and in the mind, for where the causes of disunion are, there the remedies must be sought. We shall do well in trying to solve the problem to remember that misunderstanding is the most fruitful cause of our differences, that love compels love and that strength conciliates the strong. We must strive to remove the causes of misunderstanding by a better mutual knowledge and sympathy; we must extend the unfaltering love of the patriot to our Musulman brother, remembering always that in him too Narayana dwells and to him too our Mother has given a permanent place in her bosom; but we must cease to approach him falsely or flatter out of a selfish weakness and cowardice. We believe this to be the only practical way of dealing with the difficulty. As a political question the Hindu-Mahomedan problem does not interest us at all, as a national problem it is of supreme importance. We shall make it a main part of our work to place Mahomed and Islam in a new light before our readers, to spread juster views of Mahomedan history and civilisation, to appreciate the Musulman's place in our national development and the means of harmonising his communal life with our own, not ignoring the difficulties that stand in our way for making the most of the possibilities of brotherhood and mutual understanding. Intellectual sympathy can only draw together, the sympathy of the heart can alone unite. But the one is a good preparation for the other.

 

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