Bande Mataram
CONTENTS
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Part One Writings and a Resolution 1890 1906 |
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India and the British Parliament
The Proposed Reconstruction of Bengal On the Bengali and the Mahratta Resolution at a Swadeshi Meeting |
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Part Two Bande Mataram under the Editorship of Bipin Chandra Pal 6 August 15 October 1906 |
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Darkness in Light 20.8.06 Our Rip Van Winkles 20.8.06 Indians Abroad 20.8.06 Officials on the Fall of Fuller 20.8.06 Cow Killing: An Englishman's Amusements in Jalpaiguri 20.8.06 |
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Schools for Slaves 27.8.06 By the Way 27.8.06 |
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The Mirror and Mr. Tilak 28.8.06 Leaders in Council 28.8.06 |
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Loyalty and Disloyalty in East Bengal 30.8.06 By the Way 30.8.06 |
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Lessons at Jamalpur 1.9.06 By the Way 1.9.06 |
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By the Way 3.9.06 |
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Partition and Petition 4.9.06 English Enterprise and Swadeshi 4.9.06 Sir Frederick Lely on Sir Bampfylde Fuller 4.9.06 Jamalpur 4.9.06 By the Way 4.9.06 |
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The Times on Congress Reforms 8.9.06 By the Way 8.9.06 |
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The Pro-Petition Plot 10.9.06 Socialist and Imperialist 10.9.06 The Sanjibani on Mr. Tilak 10.9.06 Secret Tactics 10.9.06 By the Way 10.9.06 |
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A Savage Sentence 11.9.06 The Question of the Hour 11.9.06 A Criticism 11.9.06 By the Way 11.9.06 |
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The Old Policy and the New 12.9.06 Is a Conflict Necessary? 12.9.06 The Charge of Vilification 12.9.06 Autocratic Trickery 12.9.06 By the Way 12.9.06 |
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Strange Speculations 13.9.06 The Statesman under Inspiration 13.9.06 |
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A Disingenuous Defence 14.9.06 |
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Last Friday's Folly 17.9.06 Stop-gap Won't Do 17.9.06 By the Way 17.9.06 |
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Is Mendicancy Successful? 18.9.06 By the Way 18.9.06 |
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By the Way 20.9.06 |
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By the Way 1.10.06 |
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By the Way 11.10.06 |
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Part Three Bande Mataram under the Editorship of Sri Aurobindo 24 October 1906 27 May 1907 |
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The Famine near Calcutta 29.10.06 Statesman's Sympathy Brand 29.10.06 By the Way. News from Nowhere 29.10.06 |
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The Statesman's Voice of Warning 30.10.06 Sir Andrew Fraser 30.10.06 By the Way. Necessity Is the Mother of Invention 30.10.06 |
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Articles Published in the Bande Mataram in November and December 1906 |
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The Man of the Past and the Man of the Future 26.12.06 |
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The Results of the Congress 31.12.06 |
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Yet There Is Method in It 25.2.07 |
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Mr. Gokhale's Disloyalty 28.2.07 |
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The Comilla Incident 15.3.07 |
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British Protection or Self-Protection 18.3.07 |
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The Berhampur Conference 29.3.07 |
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The President of the Berhampur Conference 2.4.07 |
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Peace and the Autocrats 3.4.07 |
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Many Delusions 5.4.07 By the Way. Reflections of Srinath Paul, Rai Bahadoor, on the Present Discontents 5.4.07 |
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Omissions and Commissions at Berhampur 6.4.07 |
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The Writing on the Wall 8.4.07 |
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A Nil-admirari Admirer 9.4.07 |
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Pherozshahi at Surat 10.4.07 A Last Word 10.4.07 |
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The Situation in East Bengal 11.4.07 |
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The Doctrine of Passive Resistance 11 23.4.07 I. Introduction II. Its Object III. Its Necessity IV. Its Methods VI. Its Limits VII. Conclusions |
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The Proverbial Offspring 12.4.07 By the Way 12.4.07 |
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By the Way 13.4.07 |
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The Old Year 16.4.07 Rishi Bankim Chandra 16.4.07 |
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A Vilifier on Vilification 17.4.07 By the Way. A Mouse in a Flutter 17.4.07 |
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Simple, Not Rigorous 18.4.07 British Interests and British Conscience 18.4.07 A Recommendation 18.4.07 |
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An Ineffectual Sedition Clause 19.4.07 The Englishman as a Statesman 19.4.07 |
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The Gospel according to Surendranath 22.4.07 |
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A Man of Second Sight 23.4.07 Passive Resistance in the Punjab 23.4.07 |
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By the Way 24.4.07 |
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Bureaucracy at Jamalpur 25.4.07 Anglo-Indian Blunderers 25.4.07 The Leverage of Faith 25.4.07 |
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Graduated Boycott 26.4.07 Instinctive Loyalty 26.4.07 Nationalism, Not Extremism 26.4.07 |
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hall India Be Free? The Loyalist Gospel 27.4.07 The Mask Is Off 27.4.07 |
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Shall India Be Free? National Development and Foreign Rule 29.4.07 |
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Shall India Be Free? 30.4.07 |
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Moonshine for Bombay Consumption 1.5.07 The Reformer on Moderation 1.5.07 |
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Shall India Be Free? Unity and British Rule 2.5.07 |
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Extremism in the Bengalee 3.5.07 Hare or Another 3.5.07 |
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Look on This Picture, Then on That 6.5.07 |
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Curzonism for the University 8.5.07 Incompetence or Connivance 8.5.07 Soldiers and Assaults 8.5.07 |
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By the Way 9.5.07 |
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Lala Lajpat Rai Deported 10.5.07 |
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The Crisis 11.5.07 Lala Lajpat Rai 11.5.07 |
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Government by Panic 13.5.07 In Praise of the Government 13.5.07 |
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The Bagbazar Meeting 14.5.07 A Treacherous Stab 14.5.07 |
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How to Meet the Ordinance 15.5.07 |
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Mr. Morley's Pronouncement 16.5.07 The Bengalee on the Risley Circular 16.5.07 What Does Mr. Hare Mean? 16.5.07 Not to the Andamans! 16.5.07 |
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The Statesman Unmasks 17.5.07 Sui Generis 17.5.07 |
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The Statesman on Mr. Mudholkar 20.5.07 |
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The Government Plan of Campaign 22.5.07 The Nawab's Message 22.5.07 |
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And Still It Moves 23.5.07 British Generosity 23.5.07 |
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An Irish Example 24.5.07 |
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The East Bengal Disturbances 25.5.07 Newmania 25.5.07 |
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The Gilded Sham Again 27.5.07 National Volunteers 27.5.07 |
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Part Four Bande Mataram under the Editorship of Sri Aurobindo 28 May 22 December 1907 |
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The True Meaning of the Risley Circular 28.5.07 Cool Courage and Not Blood-and-Thunder Speeches 28.5.07 |
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The Effect of Petitionary Politics 29.5.07 The Sobhabazar Shaktipuja 29.5.07 |
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The Ordinance and After 30.5.07 A Lost Opportunity 30.5.07 The Daily News and Its Needs 30.5.07 Common Sense in an Unexpected Quarter 30.5.07 Drifting Away 30.5.07 |
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The Question of the Hour 1.6.07 |
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Regulated Independence 4.6.07 A Consistent Patriot 4.6.07 Holding on to a Titbit 4.6.07 |
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Wanted, a Policy 5.6.07 Preparing the Explosion 5.6.07 |
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A Statement 6.6.07 Law and Order 6.6.07 |
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Defying the Circular 7.6.07 By the Way. When Shall We Three Meet Again? 7.6.07 |
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The Strength of the Idea 8.6.07 Comic Opera Reforms 8.6.07 Paradoxical Advice 8.6.07 |
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An Out-of-Date Reformer 12.6.07 |
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The Sphinx 14.6.07 |
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Slow but Sure 17.6.07 |
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The Rawalpindi Sufferers 18.6.07 Look on This Picture and Then on That 18.6.07 |
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The Main Feeder of Patriotism 19.6.07 |
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Concerted Action 20.6.07 The Bengal Government's Letter 20.6.07 |
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British Justice 21.6.07 The Moral of the Coconada Strike 21.6.07 The Statesman on Shooting 21.6.07 |
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Mr. A. Chaudhuri's Policy 22.6.07 A Current Dodge 22.6.07 |
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More about British Justice 24.6.07 |
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Morleyism Analysed 25.6.07 Political or Non-Political 25.6.07 Hare Street Logic 25.6.07 The Tanjore Students' Resolution 26.6.07 |
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The Statesman on Mr. Chaudhuri 26.6.07 |
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"Legitimate Patriotism" 27.6.07 Khulna Oppressions 27.6.07 |
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The Secret Springs of Morleyism 28.6.07 A Danger to the State 28.6.07 The New Thought. Personal Rule and Freedom of Speech and Writing 28.6.07 |
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The Secret of the Swaraj Movement 29.6.07 Passive Resistance in France 29.6.07 By the Way 29.6.07 |
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Stand Fast 1.7.07 |
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The Acclamation of the House 2.7.07 Perishing Prestige 2.7.07 A Congress Committee Mystery 2.7.07 |
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Europe and Asia 3.7.07 |
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Press Prosecutions 4.7.07 |
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Try Again 5.7.07 |
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A Curious Procedure 9.7.07 Association and Dissociation 9.7.07 |
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Industrial India 11.7.07 |
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From Phantom to Reality 13.7.07 Audi Alteram Partem 13.7.07 Swadeshi in Education 13.7.07 |
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Boycott and After 15.7.07 |
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In Honour of Hyde and Humphreys 16.7.07 |
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Angelic Murmurs 18.7.07 |
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A Plague o' Both Your Houses 19.7.07 |
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The Khulna Comedy 20.7.07 A Noble Example 20.7.07 |
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The Korean Crisis 22.7.07 |
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One More for the Altar 25.7.07 |
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Srijut Bhupendranath 26.7.07 |
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The Issue 29.7.07 |
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District Conference at Hughly 30.7.07 Bureaucratic Alarms 30.7.07 |
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The 7th of August 6.8.07 The Indian Patriot on Ourselves 6.8.07 |
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Our Rulers and Boycott 7.8.07 Tonight's Illumination 7.8.07 Our First Anniversary 7.8.07 |
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To Organise 10.8.07 Statutory Distinction 10.8.07 |
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Marionettes and Others 12.8.07 A Compliment and Some Misconceptions 12.8.07 Pal on the Brain 12.8.07 |
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Phrases by Fraser 13.8.07 |
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To Organise Boycott 17.8.07 The Foundations of Nationality 17.8.07 |
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Barbarities at Rawalpindi 20.8.07 The High Court Miracles 20.8.07 The Times Romancist 20.8.07 |
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A Malicious Persistence 21.8.07 |
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In Melancholy Vein 23.8.07 Advice to National College Students [Speech] 23.8.07 |
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Sankaritola's Apologia 24.8.07 |
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Our False Friends 26.8.07 |
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Repression and Unity 27.8.07 |
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The Three Unities of Sankaritola 31.8.07 |
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Eastern Renascence 3.9.07 |
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The Martyrdom of Bipin Chandra 12.9.07 |
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Sacrifice and Redemption 14.9.07 |
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The Un-Hindu Spirit of Caste Rigidity 20.9.07 |
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Caste and Democracy 21.9.07 |
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Bande Mataram Prosecution 25.9.07 Pioneer or Hindu Patriot? 25.9.07 |
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The Chowringhee Pecksniff and Ourselves 26.9.07 |
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The Statesman in Retreat 28.9.07 The Khulna Appeal 28.9.07 |
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A Culpable Inaccuracy 4.10.07 |
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Novel Ways to Peace 5.10.07 "Armenian Horrors" 5.10.07 |
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The Vanity of Reaction 7.10.07 The Price of a Friend 7.10.07 A New Literary Departure 7.10.07 |
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Protected Hooliganism -A Parallel 8.10.07 Mr. Keir Hardie and India 8.10.07 |
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The Shadow of the Ordinance in Calcutta 11.10.07 |
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The Nagpur Affair and True Unity 23.10.07 |
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The Nagpur Imbroglio 29.10.07 |
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English Democracy Shown Up 31.10.07 |
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Difficulties at Nagpur 4.11.07 |
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Mr. Tilak and the Presidentship 5.11.07 |
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Nagpur and Loyalist Methods 16.11.07 The Life of Nationalism 16.11.07 |
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By the Way. In Praise of Honest John 18.11.07 |
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Bureaucratic Policy 19.11.07 |
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About Unity 2.12.07 |
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Personality or Principle? 3.12.07 |
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More about Unity 4.12.07 |
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By the Way 5.12.07 |
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Caste and Representation 6.12.07 |
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About Unmistakable Terms 12.12.07 |
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The Surat Congress 13.12.07 Misrepresentations about Midnapore 13.12.07 |
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Reasons of Secession 14.12.07 |
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The Awakening of Gujarat 17.12.07 |
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"Capturing the Congress" 18.12.07 Lala Lajpat Rai's Refusal 18.12.07 The Delegates' Fund 18.12.07 |
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Part Five Speeches 22 December 1907 1 February 1908 |
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Speeches 13-1-08 |
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Speeches 15-1-08 |
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Speeches 19-1-08 |
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Speeches 24-1-08 |
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Speeches 26-1-08 |
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Speeches 29-1-08 |
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Speeches 30-1-08 |
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Speeches 31-1-08 |
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Speeches 1-2-08 |
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Part Six Bande Mataram under the Editorship of Sri Aurobindo with Speeches Delivered during the Same Period 6 February 3 May 1908 |
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Revolutions and Leadership 6.2.08 |
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Speeches 12-13-2-08 |
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waraj 18.2.08 |
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The Future of the Movement 19.2.08 |
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Work and Ideal 20.2.08 By the Way 20.2.08 |
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The Latest Sedition Trial 21.2.08 Boycott and British Capital 21.2.08 Unofficial Commissions 21.2.08 The Soul and India's Mission 21.2.08 |
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The Glory of God in Man 22.2.08 |
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A National University 24.2.08 |
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Mustafa Kamal Pasha 3.3.08 |
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A Great Opportunity 4.3.08 |
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Swaraj and the Coming Anarchy 5.3.08 |
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The Village and the Nation 7.3.08 |
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Welcome to the Prophet of Nationalism 10.3.08 |
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The Voice of the Martyrs 11.3.08 Constitution-making 11.3.08 What Committee? 11.3.08 An Opportunity Lost 11.3.08 A Victim of Bureaucracy 11.3.08 |
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A Great Message 12.3.08 |
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The Tuticorin Victory 13.3.08 |
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Perpetuate the Split! 14.3.08 Loyalty to Order 14.3.08 |
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Asiatic Democracy 16.3.08 Charter or No Charter 16.3.08 |
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The Warning from Madras 17.3.08 |
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The Need of the Moment 19.3.08 |
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Unity by Co-operation 20.3.08 The Early Indian Polity 20.3.08 |
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The Fund for Sj. Pal 21.3.08 |
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The Weapon of Secession 23.3.08 Sleeping Sirkar and Waking People 23.3.08 Anti-Swadeshi in Madras 23.3.08 |
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Exclusion or Unity? 24.3.08 How the Riot Was Made 24.3.08 |
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Oligarchy or Democracy? 25.3.08 |
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Freedom of Speech 26.3.08 |
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Tomorrow's Meeting 27.3.08 Well Done, Chidambaram! 27.3.08 The Anti-Swadeshi Campaign 27.3.08 |
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Spirituality and Nationalism 28.3.08 |
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The Struggle in Madras 30.3.08 A Misunderstanding 30.3.08 |
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The Next Step 31.3.08 |
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India and the Mongolian 1.4.08 Religion and the Bureaucracy 1.4.08 The Milk of Putana 1.4.08 |
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Swadeshi Cases and Counsel 2.4.08 |
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The Question of the President 3.4.08 The Utility of Ideals 3.4.08 Speech at Panti's Math 3.4.08 |
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Convention and Conference 4.4.08 By the Way 4.4.08 |
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The Constitution of the Subjects Committee 6.4.08 |
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The New Ideal 7.4.08 |
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The Asiatic Role 9.4.08 Love Me or Die 9.4.08 |
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The Work Before Us 10.4.08 Campbell-Bannerman Retires 10.4.08 |
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Speech 10-4-08 |
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The Demand of the Mother 11.4.08 |
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Speech 12-4-08 |
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Peace and Exclusion 13.4.08 |
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Indian Resurgence and Europe 14.4.08 Om Shantih 14.4.08 |
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Conventionalist and Nationalist 18.4.08 |
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Speech 20-4-08 |
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The Future and the Nationalists 22.4.08 |
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The Wheat and the Chaff 23.4.08 |
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Party and the Country 24.4.08 The Bengalee Facing Both Ways 24.4.08 |
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The One Thing Needful 25.4.08 |
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New Conditions 29.4.08 Whom to Believe? 29.4.08 By the Way. The Parable of Sati 29.4.08 |
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Leaders and a Conscience 30.4.08 An Ostrich in Colootola 30.4.08 By the Way 30.4.08 |
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Nationalist Differences 2.5.08 Ideals Face to Face 2.5.08 |
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Part Seven Writings from Manuscripts 1907 1908 |
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Appendixes |
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Incomplete Drafts of Three Articles Draft of the Conclusion of "Nagpur and Loyalist Methods" Draft of the Opening of "In Praise of Honest John" Incomplete Draft of an Unpublished Article |
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Writings and Jottings Connected with the Bande Mataram 1906 1908 "Bande Mataram" Printers & Publishers, Limited. Draft of a Prospectus of 1907 Notes and Memos |
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Nationalist Party Documents |
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A Birthday Interview |
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Bande Mataram { CALCUTTA, December 26th, 1906 }
The Man of the Past and the Man of the Future
Two men of the moment stand conspicuously before the eyes of the public in connection with the present session of the National Congress. The advent of these two men close upon each other is full of meaning for us at the present juncture. Both of them are sincere patriots, both have done what work lay in them for their people and for the land that bore them; both are men of indomitable perseverance and high ability; but there the resemblance ends. One of them worn and aged, bowed down with the burden of half a century's toils and labours, comes to us as the man of the past, reminding us of a generation that is passing away, ideals that have lost their charm, methods that have been found to be futile, an energy and hope once buoyant and full of life but which now live on only in a wearied and decrepit old age phantomlike, still babbling exploded generalities and dead formulas. The other comes with his face to the morning, a giant of strength and courage bearing on his unbowed shoulders the mighty burden of our future. We do not know yet what will be the nature of Mr. Dadabhai's Presidential speech; it may contain Pisgah sights of the future, to a great extent it is likely to be the swan song of the dying past. From Mr. Tilak we expect no great speech and no sensational pronouncement, his very presence is more powerful than the greatest declamations; for it is not as an orator he stands prominent in spite of his clear incisive utterances, nor as a writer in spite of the immense influence which as the editor of the Kesari he exercises on the political ideal of Maharashtra, but as the man who knows what has to be done and does it, knows what has to be organized and organizes it, knows what has to be resisted and resists it. He is
Page – 201 pre-eminently the man who acts, and action is to be the note of our future political energies. Mr. Dadabhai on the other hand is the man who remonstrates; all his life has been spent in one energetic and unceasing remonstrance through books, through public speeches, through letters and writings in public print. Remonstrance, not action, was the note of our political energies in the past. Action was, according to the old gospel, the prerogative of the Government whether in India or in Great Britain and our only duty was to urge them to act justly and not unjustly, in our interests and not in their own. We expected them to be angels and remonstrated with them when they proved to be merely men; this spur of that remonstrance, it was hoped, would prick them or at least the home-bred of Englishmen to justify the angelic hues in which they had painted themselves, for our benefit. To the young generation these hopes nowadays seem so incredibly futile that they are tempted to wonder how men of ability and education, many of whom had studied something at least of history, could ever have cherished them. But when Mr. Naoroji began his career nothing more real and solid was possible. The falling in pieces of the Maratha Confederacy and the overthrow of the Sikh power had left the Punjab and the Deccan stupefied and apathetic; the rest of India was politically exhausted and inert. In such circumstances it was inevitable that the task of reviving the life of the nation should fall into the hands of a small class of men educated in English schools and in English ways of thinking. It was the one great service these men did to our country, that they accustomed us to hope once more and live politically. It was our misfortune rather than their fault that the hopes they proclaimed were delusive and the life they imparted meagre and superficial. Destitute of political experience they could not avoid basing their political creed on theories and ideals rather than upon facts; without any education but what the rulers chose to impart they had no choice but to borrow their theories and ideas from their English teachers; confined to English books and influence, cut off from the wide wholesome atmosphere of the world's culture they were obliged to accept Englishmen at their
Page – 202 own valuation. They were for the most part men of talent and ability; and it requires more than talent and ability; it needs the eye of genius to dispense with the necessity of experience and see truth with a single intuitive glance. The ideas on which our agitation in the nineteenth century proceeded were therefore fantastic and unfounded; its methods were unsuited to the realities of political life in this country, its spirit and aim were so purely Westernized as to preclude the possibility of seizing on the whole people and creating a new national life. The energy expended on it was therefore small, limited both in intensity and area; and the results it brought about were not even commensurate with the little energy expended. But two things were gained— the renewal of political activity in the country and of political experience. A renewed life might have been brought about in other ways and with greater power and reality; but for experience that long wandering in the desert of unrealities and futilities was probably indispensable. However that may be, Mr. Naoroji was among the small knot of able men who first set in motion the new political activities of the country. And one thing distinguished him above most of his fellows that while they wasted themselves on things petty and unreal, he seized on one great fact and enforced it in season and out of season on all who could be got to listen,— the terrible poverty of India and its rapid increase under British rule. It was necessary that a persistent voice should din this into the ears of the people; for what with the incessant pratings about British peace, British justice and the blessings of British rule on the one side and the clamour for Legislative Councils, Simultaneous Examinations, High Education and similar shams on the other, this one central all-important reality was in danger of being smothered out of sight. It was necessary for the nation but to realise its increasing poverty under British rule; only then could it take the next step and take to heart the fact that British rule and increasing poverty stood in the relation of cause and effect; last of all comes the inevitable conclusion that the effect could only be cured by the removal of the cause, in other words by the substitution of autonomy in place of a British or British 204
Page – 203 controlled Government. Mr. Naoroji's was the persistent voice that compelled the nation to realise the first two of these fundamental truths; Mr. Romesh Dutt and others powerfully assisted the result, but it was Mr. Naoroji who first forced the question of Indian poverty into prominence, and for this India owes him a debt of gratitude deeper than that due to any other of our older politicians dead or living. It is true that he has not been able to proclaim the third of the three connected truths consistently and frankly; especially have those of his utterances which were meant for purely Indian consumption, been marred by the desire to qualify, moderate and even conceal a plain fact, which though it was necessary, it might yet be dangerous to proclaim. Nevertheless it is something that a man of his age and traditions should at least have frankly declared that freedom from foreign rule must needs be the only governing ideal of Indian politics. The man who is responsible for that declaration ought to be no Moderate. His heart at least should be with us. That in India and in the Presidential chair of the Congress his voice also will be for us we cannot so confidently forecast. If it is, his venerable sanction will be a support to our efforts; if not, his reticence or opposition will be no hindrance to our final triumph. For that which Time and Fate intend, no utterances of individuals however venerable or esteemed, can delay or alter.
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