Bande Mataram
CONTENTS
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Part One Writings and a Resolution 1890 1906 |
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India and the British Parliament
The Proposed Reconstruction of Bengal On the Bengali and the Mahratta Resolution at a Swadeshi Meeting |
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Part Two Bande Mataram under the Editorship of Bipin Chandra Pal 6 August 15 October 1906 |
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Darkness in Light 20.8.06 Our Rip Van Winkles 20.8.06 Indians Abroad 20.8.06 Officials on the Fall of Fuller 20.8.06 Cow Killing: An Englishman's Amusements in Jalpaiguri 20.8.06 |
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Schools for Slaves 27.8.06 By the Way 27.8.06 |
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The Mirror and Mr. Tilak 28.8.06 Leaders in Council 28.8.06 |
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Loyalty and Disloyalty in East Bengal 30.8.06 By the Way 30.8.06 |
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Lessons at Jamalpur 1.9.06 By the Way 1.9.06 |
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By the Way 3.9.06 |
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Partition and Petition 4.9.06 English Enterprise and Swadeshi 4.9.06 Sir Frederick Lely on Sir Bampfylde Fuller 4.9.06 Jamalpur 4.9.06 By the Way 4.9.06 |
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The Times on Congress Reforms 8.9.06 By the Way 8.9.06 |
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The Pro-Petition Plot 10.9.06 Socialist and Imperialist 10.9.06 The Sanjibani on Mr. Tilak 10.9.06 Secret Tactics 10.9.06 By the Way 10.9.06 |
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A Savage Sentence 11.9.06 The Question of the Hour 11.9.06 A Criticism 11.9.06 By the Way 11.9.06 |
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The Old Policy and the New 12.9.06 Is a Conflict Necessary? 12.9.06 The Charge of Vilification 12.9.06 Autocratic Trickery 12.9.06 By the Way 12.9.06 |
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Strange Speculations 13.9.06 The Statesman under Inspiration 13.9.06 |
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A Disingenuous Defence 14.9.06 |
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Last Friday's Folly 17.9.06 Stop-gap Won't Do 17.9.06 By the Way 17.9.06 |
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Is Mendicancy Successful? 18.9.06 By the Way 18.9.06 |
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By the Way 20.9.06 |
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By the Way 1.10.06 |
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By the Way 11.10.06 |
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Part Three Bande Mataram under the Editorship of Sri Aurobindo 24 October 1906 27 May 1907 |
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The Famine near Calcutta 29.10.06 Statesman's Sympathy Brand 29.10.06 By the Way. News from Nowhere 29.10.06 |
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The Statesman's Voice of Warning 30.10.06 Sir Andrew Fraser 30.10.06 By the Way. Necessity Is the Mother of Invention 30.10.06 |
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Articles Published in the Bande Mataram in November and December 1906 |
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The Man of the Past and the Man of the Future 26.12.06 |
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The Results of the Congress 31.12.06 |
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Yet There Is Method in It 25.2.07 |
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Mr. Gokhale's Disloyalty 28.2.07 |
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The Comilla Incident 15.3.07 |
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British Protection or Self-Protection 18.3.07 |
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The Berhampur Conference 29.3.07 |
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The President of the Berhampur Conference 2.4.07 |
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Peace and the Autocrats 3.4.07 |
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Many Delusions 5.4.07 By the Way. Reflections of Srinath Paul, Rai Bahadoor, on the Present Discontents 5.4.07 |
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Omissions and Commissions at Berhampur 6.4.07 |
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The Writing on the Wall 8.4.07 |
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A Nil-admirari Admirer 9.4.07 |
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Pherozshahi at Surat 10.4.07 A Last Word 10.4.07 |
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The Situation in East Bengal 11.4.07 |
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The Doctrine of Passive Resistance 11 23.4.07 I. Introduction II. Its Object III. Its Necessity IV. Its Methods VI. Its Limits VII. Conclusions |
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The Proverbial Offspring 12.4.07 By the Way 12.4.07 |
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By the Way 13.4.07 |
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The Old Year 16.4.07 Rishi Bankim Chandra 16.4.07 |
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A Vilifier on Vilification 17.4.07 By the Way. A Mouse in a Flutter 17.4.07 |
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Simple, Not Rigorous 18.4.07 British Interests and British Conscience 18.4.07 A Recommendation 18.4.07 |
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An Ineffectual Sedition Clause 19.4.07 The Englishman as a Statesman 19.4.07 |
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The Gospel according to Surendranath 22.4.07 |
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A Man of Second Sight 23.4.07 Passive Resistance in the Punjab 23.4.07 |
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By the Way 24.4.07 |
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Bureaucracy at Jamalpur 25.4.07 Anglo-Indian Blunderers 25.4.07 The Leverage of Faith 25.4.07 |
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Graduated Boycott 26.4.07 Instinctive Loyalty 26.4.07 Nationalism, Not Extremism 26.4.07 |
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hall India Be Free? The Loyalist Gospel 27.4.07 The Mask Is Off 27.4.07 |
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Shall India Be Free? National Development and Foreign Rule 29.4.07 |
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Shall India Be Free? 30.4.07 |
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Moonshine for Bombay Consumption 1.5.07 The Reformer on Moderation 1.5.07 |
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Shall India Be Free? Unity and British Rule 2.5.07 |
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Extremism in the Bengalee 3.5.07 Hare or Another 3.5.07 |
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Look on This Picture, Then on That 6.5.07 |
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Curzonism for the University 8.5.07 Incompetence or Connivance 8.5.07 Soldiers and Assaults 8.5.07 |
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By the Way 9.5.07 |
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Lala Lajpat Rai Deported 10.5.07 |
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The Crisis 11.5.07 Lala Lajpat Rai 11.5.07 |
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Government by Panic 13.5.07 In Praise of the Government 13.5.07 |
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The Bagbazar Meeting 14.5.07 A Treacherous Stab 14.5.07 |
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How to Meet the Ordinance 15.5.07 |
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Mr. Morley's Pronouncement 16.5.07 The Bengalee on the Risley Circular 16.5.07 What Does Mr. Hare Mean? 16.5.07 Not to the Andamans! 16.5.07 |
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The Statesman Unmasks 17.5.07 Sui Generis 17.5.07 |
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The Statesman on Mr. Mudholkar 20.5.07 |
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The Government Plan of Campaign 22.5.07 The Nawab's Message 22.5.07 |
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And Still It Moves 23.5.07 British Generosity 23.5.07 |
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An Irish Example 24.5.07 |
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The East Bengal Disturbances 25.5.07 Newmania 25.5.07 |
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The Gilded Sham Again 27.5.07 National Volunteers 27.5.07 |
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Part Four Bande Mataram under the Editorship of Sri Aurobindo 28 May 22 December 1907 |
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The True Meaning of the Risley Circular 28.5.07 Cool Courage and Not Blood-and-Thunder Speeches 28.5.07 |
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The Effect of Petitionary Politics 29.5.07 The Sobhabazar Shaktipuja 29.5.07 |
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The Ordinance and After 30.5.07 A Lost Opportunity 30.5.07 The Daily News and Its Needs 30.5.07 Common Sense in an Unexpected Quarter 30.5.07 Drifting Away 30.5.07 |
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The Question of the Hour 1.6.07 |
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Regulated Independence 4.6.07 A Consistent Patriot 4.6.07 Holding on to a Titbit 4.6.07 |
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Wanted, a Policy 5.6.07 Preparing the Explosion 5.6.07 |
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A Statement 6.6.07 Law and Order 6.6.07 |
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Defying the Circular 7.6.07 By the Way. When Shall We Three Meet Again? 7.6.07 |
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The Strength of the Idea 8.6.07 Comic Opera Reforms 8.6.07 Paradoxical Advice 8.6.07 |
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An Out-of-Date Reformer 12.6.07 |
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The Sphinx 14.6.07 |
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Slow but Sure 17.6.07 |
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The Rawalpindi Sufferers 18.6.07 Look on This Picture and Then on That 18.6.07 |
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The Main Feeder of Patriotism 19.6.07 |
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Concerted Action 20.6.07 The Bengal Government's Letter 20.6.07 |
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British Justice 21.6.07 The Moral of the Coconada Strike 21.6.07 The Statesman on Shooting 21.6.07 |
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Mr. A. Chaudhuri's Policy 22.6.07 A Current Dodge 22.6.07 |
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More about British Justice 24.6.07 |
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Morleyism Analysed 25.6.07 Political or Non-Political 25.6.07 Hare Street Logic 25.6.07 The Tanjore Students' Resolution 26.6.07 |
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The Statesman on Mr. Chaudhuri 26.6.07 |
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"Legitimate Patriotism" 27.6.07 Khulna Oppressions 27.6.07 |
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The Secret Springs of Morleyism 28.6.07 A Danger to the State 28.6.07 The New Thought. Personal Rule and Freedom of Speech and Writing 28.6.07 |
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The Secret of the Swaraj Movement 29.6.07 Passive Resistance in France 29.6.07 By the Way 29.6.07 |
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Stand Fast 1.7.07 |
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The Acclamation of the House 2.7.07 Perishing Prestige 2.7.07 A Congress Committee Mystery 2.7.07 |
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Europe and Asia 3.7.07 |
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Press Prosecutions 4.7.07 |
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Try Again 5.7.07 |
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A Curious Procedure 9.7.07 Association and Dissociation 9.7.07 |
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Industrial India 11.7.07 |
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From Phantom to Reality 13.7.07 Audi Alteram Partem 13.7.07 Swadeshi in Education 13.7.07 |
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Boycott and After 15.7.07 |
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In Honour of Hyde and Humphreys 16.7.07 |
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Angelic Murmurs 18.7.07 |
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A Plague o' Both Your Houses 19.7.07 |
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The Khulna Comedy 20.7.07 A Noble Example 20.7.07 |
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The Korean Crisis 22.7.07 |
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One More for the Altar 25.7.07 |
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Srijut Bhupendranath 26.7.07 |
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The Issue 29.7.07 |
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District Conference at Hughly 30.7.07 Bureaucratic Alarms 30.7.07 |
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The 7th of August 6.8.07 The Indian Patriot on Ourselves 6.8.07 |
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Our Rulers and Boycott 7.8.07 Tonight's Illumination 7.8.07 Our First Anniversary 7.8.07 |
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To Organise 10.8.07 Statutory Distinction 10.8.07 |
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Marionettes and Others 12.8.07 A Compliment and Some Misconceptions 12.8.07 Pal on the Brain 12.8.07 |
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Phrases by Fraser 13.8.07 |
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To Organise Boycott 17.8.07 The Foundations of Nationality 17.8.07 |
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Barbarities at Rawalpindi 20.8.07 The High Court Miracles 20.8.07 The Times Romancist 20.8.07 |
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A Malicious Persistence 21.8.07 |
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In Melancholy Vein 23.8.07 Advice to National College Students [Speech] 23.8.07 |
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Sankaritola's Apologia 24.8.07 |
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Our False Friends 26.8.07 |
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Repression and Unity 27.8.07 |
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The Three Unities of Sankaritola 31.8.07 |
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Eastern Renascence 3.9.07 |
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The Martyrdom of Bipin Chandra 12.9.07 |
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Sacrifice and Redemption 14.9.07 |
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The Un-Hindu Spirit of Caste Rigidity 20.9.07 |
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Caste and Democracy 21.9.07 |
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Bande Mataram Prosecution 25.9.07 Pioneer or Hindu Patriot? 25.9.07 |
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The Chowringhee Pecksniff and Ourselves 26.9.07 |
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The Statesman in Retreat 28.9.07 The Khulna Appeal 28.9.07 |
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A Culpable Inaccuracy 4.10.07 |
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Novel Ways to Peace 5.10.07 "Armenian Horrors" 5.10.07 |
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The Vanity of Reaction 7.10.07 The Price of a Friend 7.10.07 A New Literary Departure 7.10.07 |
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Protected Hooliganism -A Parallel 8.10.07 Mr. Keir Hardie and India 8.10.07 |
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The Shadow of the Ordinance in Calcutta 11.10.07 |
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The Nagpur Affair and True Unity 23.10.07 |
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The Nagpur Imbroglio 29.10.07 |
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English Democracy Shown Up 31.10.07 |
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Difficulties at Nagpur 4.11.07 |
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Mr. Tilak and the Presidentship 5.11.07 |
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Nagpur and Loyalist Methods 16.11.07 The Life of Nationalism 16.11.07 |
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By the Way. In Praise of Honest John 18.11.07 |
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Bureaucratic Policy 19.11.07 |
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About Unity 2.12.07 |
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Personality or Principle? 3.12.07 |
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More about Unity 4.12.07 |
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By the Way 5.12.07 |
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Caste and Representation 6.12.07 |
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About Unmistakable Terms 12.12.07 |
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The Surat Congress 13.12.07 Misrepresentations about Midnapore 13.12.07 |
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Reasons of Secession 14.12.07 |
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The Awakening of Gujarat 17.12.07 |
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"Capturing the Congress" 18.12.07 Lala Lajpat Rai's Refusal 18.12.07 The Delegates' Fund 18.12.07 |
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Part Five Speeches 22 December 1907 1 February 1908 |
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Speeches 13-1-08 |
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Speeches 15-1-08 |
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Speeches 19-1-08 |
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Speeches 24-1-08 |
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Speeches 26-1-08 |
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Speeches 29-1-08 |
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Speeches 30-1-08 |
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Speeches 31-1-08 |
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Speeches 1-2-08 |
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Part Six Bande Mataram under the Editorship of Sri Aurobindo with Speeches Delivered during the Same Period 6 February 3 May 1908 |
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Revolutions and Leadership 6.2.08 |
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Speeches 12-13-2-08 |
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waraj 18.2.08 |
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The Future of the Movement 19.2.08 |
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Work and Ideal 20.2.08 By the Way 20.2.08 |
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The Latest Sedition Trial 21.2.08 Boycott and British Capital 21.2.08 Unofficial Commissions 21.2.08 The Soul and India's Mission 21.2.08 |
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The Glory of God in Man 22.2.08 |
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A National University 24.2.08 |
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Mustafa Kamal Pasha 3.3.08 |
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A Great Opportunity 4.3.08 |
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Swaraj and the Coming Anarchy 5.3.08 |
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The Village and the Nation 7.3.08 |
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Welcome to the Prophet of Nationalism 10.3.08 |
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The Voice of the Martyrs 11.3.08 Constitution-making 11.3.08 What Committee? 11.3.08 An Opportunity Lost 11.3.08 A Victim of Bureaucracy 11.3.08 |
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A Great Message 12.3.08 |
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The Tuticorin Victory 13.3.08 |
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Perpetuate the Split! 14.3.08 Loyalty to Order 14.3.08 |
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Asiatic Democracy 16.3.08 Charter or No Charter 16.3.08 |
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The Warning from Madras 17.3.08 |
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The Need of the Moment 19.3.08 |
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Unity by Co-operation 20.3.08 The Early Indian Polity 20.3.08 |
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The Fund for Sj. Pal 21.3.08 |
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The Weapon of Secession 23.3.08 Sleeping Sirkar and Waking People 23.3.08 Anti-Swadeshi in Madras 23.3.08 |
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Exclusion or Unity? 24.3.08 How the Riot Was Made 24.3.08 |
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Oligarchy or Democracy? 25.3.08 |
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Freedom of Speech 26.3.08 |
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Tomorrow's Meeting 27.3.08 Well Done, Chidambaram! 27.3.08 The Anti-Swadeshi Campaign 27.3.08 |
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Spirituality and Nationalism 28.3.08 |
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The Struggle in Madras 30.3.08 A Misunderstanding 30.3.08 |
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The Next Step 31.3.08 |
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India and the Mongolian 1.4.08 Religion and the Bureaucracy 1.4.08 The Milk of Putana 1.4.08 |
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Swadeshi Cases and Counsel 2.4.08 |
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The Question of the President 3.4.08 The Utility of Ideals 3.4.08 Speech at Panti's Math 3.4.08 |
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Convention and Conference 4.4.08 By the Way 4.4.08 |
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The Constitution of the Subjects Committee 6.4.08 |
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The New Ideal 7.4.08 |
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The Asiatic Role 9.4.08 Love Me or Die 9.4.08 |
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The Work Before Us 10.4.08 Campbell-Bannerman Retires 10.4.08 |
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Speech 10-4-08 |
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The Demand of the Mother 11.4.08 |
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Speech 12-4-08 |
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Peace and Exclusion 13.4.08 |
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Indian Resurgence and Europe 14.4.08 Om Shantih 14.4.08 |
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Conventionalist and Nationalist 18.4.08 |
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Speech 20-4-08 |
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The Future and the Nationalists 22.4.08 |
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The Wheat and the Chaff 23.4.08 |
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Party and the Country 24.4.08 The Bengalee Facing Both Ways 24.4.08 |
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The One Thing Needful 25.4.08 |
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New Conditions 29.4.08 Whom to Believe? 29.4.08 By the Way. The Parable of Sati 29.4.08 |
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Leaders and a Conscience 30.4.08 An Ostrich in Colootola 30.4.08 By the Way 30.4.08 |
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Nationalist Differences 2.5.08 Ideals Face to Face 2.5.08 |
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Part Seven Writings from Manuscripts 1907 1908 |
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Appendixes |
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Incomplete Drafts of Three Articles Draft of the Conclusion of "Nagpur and Loyalist Methods" Draft of the Opening of "In Praise of Honest John" Incomplete Draft of an Unpublished Article |
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Writings and Jottings Connected with the Bande Mataram 1906 1908 "Bande Mataram" Printers & Publishers, Limited. Draft of a Prospectus of 1907 Notes and Memos |
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Nationalist Party Documents |
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A Birthday Interview |
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Bande Mataram { CALCUTTA, April 19th, 1907 }
An Ineffectual Sedition Clause
We commented yesterday on the folly of the Punjab Government in prosecuting the Punjabee and the ridiculous and unenviable position in which the practical collapse of that prosecution has landed them. The absolute lack of courage, insight and statesmanship in the Indian Government has been always a subject of wonder to us. The English are an exceedingly able and practical nation, well versed in the art of keeping down subject races at the least expense and with the greatest advantage to themselves. It is passing strange to see such a race floundering about and hopelessly at sea in dealing with the new situation in India. There are three possible policies by which it could be met. We could understand a policy of Russian repression, making full use of the means of coercion their despotic laws and practice keep ready to their hand in order to stamp out the fire of nationalism before it had spread. We could understand a policy of firm repression of disorder and maintenance of British supremacy, coupled with full and generous concessions in the sphere of local and municipal self-government. We could understand a frank association of the people in the Government with provincial Home Rule as its eventual goal. The first policy would be strong and courageous but unwise; for, its only effect on a nation which has a past and remembers it would be to expedite the advent of its future. The second, if immediately undertaken, might be temporarily effective but could not for long satisfy national aspirations. The third is a counsel of perfection to which, fortunately for India's future greatness, Mr. Blair will hardly get his countrymen to listen. Nevertheless, any of these three would be a rational and sensible policy; but the present attitude of the Government is
Page – 327 neither. It is an impossible mixture of timid and flabby coercion with insincere, grudging and dilatory conciliation. The Government looses a Fuller on the people and then at the first check withdraws him. It promises a reform and then hesitates and repents and cannot make up its mind to give it either promptly or frankly. It has stored up any number of legal brahmastras and nagapashas to bind down and destroy opposition, but it has not the courage to use them. It would like to crush the people, but it dare not; it feels it necessary to make concessions, but it will not. This is the way Empires are lost. The only instance of a coherent policy is in East Bengal where the bureaucracy has envisaged the situation as an unarmed rebellion and is treating it on the military principle of isolating the insurgent forces and crushing them with the help of local allies before the opposition can become organised and universal. It is an acute and skilful policy but it needs for its success two conditions— weakness, vacillation and cowardice on the part of the Calcutta leaders and want of tenacity in the strong men of East Bengal. But the situation in East Bengal is only a local symptom. In dealing with the general disease, the Government policy is mere confusion. We may take its treatment of sedition as an instance. The clause dealing with sedition in the Penal Code is a monument of legal ferocity, but at present of futile ferocity. The offence is that of exciting contempt and hatred against the Government. The Government means the bureaucracy collectively and individually. Anything therefore in the nature of plain statement and strong comment on any foolish or arbitrary conduct on the part of an official or on any unwise or oppressive policy on the part of the Government, Viceregal or Provincial, or on any absurd or odious feature in the bureaucratic system, or any attempt to prove that the present administration is responsible for distress and suffering in India or that bureaucratic rule is doing material and moral injury to the people and the country, falls within the scope of this insane provision. For, such statements, comments and attempts must inevitably provoke contempt and "want of affection" in the people; and the writer cannot help knowing that they will have that effect. Yet these are things that fall within
Page – 328 the natural duty of the journalist in every country which is not still in the Dark Ages. The alternative punishments— the minor, running to two years' rigorous imprisonment, the major, to the utmost penalty short of the gallows,— are of a Russian ferocity. Yet this terrible sword is hung in vain over the head of the Indian journalist; for, mere imprisonment has no longer any terrors for Indian patriotism and really crushing penalties can only be imposed at the risk of driving the people to secret conspiracy and nihilistic forms of protest. The lower grades of the executive and judiciary are not affected by scruples, for they are neither called upon to consider ultimate consequences or exposed to external censure; but the higher one rises in the official scale, the greater is the deterrent effect of the fear of consequences and the fear of the world's censure. This is the reason why ferocious sentences like that on the Punjabee are minimised in successive appeals— a phenomenon an Anglo-Indian contemporary notices with great disgust. The clauses 124A and 153A are therefore weapons which the Government cannot effectually utilise and to employ them ineffectually is worse than useless. If the journalist is acquitted, it is a popular victory; if lightly sentenced, public feeling is irritated, not intimidated; if rigorously dealt with, a great impulse is given to the tide of nationalism which will sweep onward till this piece of civilised savagery ceases to pollute the statute-books of a revolutionised and modernised administration. __________
The Englishman as a Statesman
The Englishman has a confused and wordy article in yesterday's issue which it considers especially fit "for such a time as this"; but the meaning is a little difficult to disentangle. Our contemporary has a dim perception that there is a "crisis" in the country, the nature of which it is unable to determine; but it is a very terrible sort of crisis, anyway— a monster horrible, shapeless and huge. "When it matures, influences may be shot forth into the country, and possibly also in Asia, if not also back into
Page – 329 Europe through Russia, whose final issues no man can foresee." It acknowledges that there "are some hopes" in the hearts of the people "which it would be fatuous to mock, madness to ignore". So far as we can make out, the Englishman has discovered a very original way of respecting and recognising these hopes. It proposes to satisfy them by appointing a large number of non-official Europeans in Mr. Morley's new Legislative Councils along with the Nawab of Dacca and any other equally rare specimens bureaucratic research can discover among the "manlier races of the North who, if they grew turbulent, might prove more troublesome than populations of another class from further South, who, if more effeminate, are also more contented". The meaning of this extraordinarily slipshod rigmarole is that the Englishman has been frightened by the disturbances in Lahore which followed on the final conviction of the Punjabee and is also a little uneasy at the prospect of unwelcome changes in the Legislative Councils. Hence its unusual and unsuccessful attempt to overcome its customary "fatuity" and "madness". For our part we prefer the Englishman fatuous and mad to the Englishman trying in vain to be sensible. In its natural state it is at least intelligible.
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